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<strong>Spike</strong> | 15 YEARS OF BOOKS, MUSIC, ART, IDEAS | www.spikemagazine.com<br />

pan-Muslim pride to the Taliban that they could not<br />

be seen expel bin Laden due to US pressure. In yet<br />

another of the myriad intricacies detailed in the book,<br />

we see how different the Taliban were to Al Qaeda. The<br />

Taliban were extremist Wahabbi offshoots themselves,<br />

dedicated to fulfilling a similarly atavistic, repressive,<br />

misogynistic and unworkable arcadia, yet at the same<br />

time they were essentially parochial, rural tribalists totally<br />

uninterested in waging a jihad against the Western<br />

world. It was only bin Laden’s machinations and the<br />

US response they received which saw them entrenched<br />

into the fight against the West urged by the more sophisticated<br />

and cosmopolitan Al Qaeda.<br />

Burke shows with one illuminating example how the<br />

growth in popularity of this Wahaab cult is far from<br />

organic or inevitable. He spent time with members of<br />

the separatist Pershmaga fighters of the Kurdish Democratic<br />

Party in northern Iraq following the first gulf war.<br />

“[They] were aggressively secular. They had drunk,<br />

sworn, smoked and I had never seen them pray. Their<br />

slogans were all about liberation and self-determination,<br />

about rights and democracy … The idea of them<br />

mentioning a ‘jihad’ was almost risible. Though angry<br />

and resentful at what they felt, with some justification,<br />

were the West`s repeated betrayals, they were still vociferously<br />

pro-Western.”<br />

By 2001, many of these young men were turning<br />

from their seemingly failing secular resistance move-<br />

BUY Jason Burke books online from and<br />

ment towards militant Islamism. The same goes for<br />

the growth of Hammas and Islamic Jihad in Israel at<br />

the expense of the PLO. And also in many other areas,<br />

not least moderate and/or secular Turkey, Indonesia,<br />

and Checnya, not to mention the diaspora in Europe.<br />

This growth was neither natural nor inevitable, and was<br />

undoubtedly exacerbated not only by the dictatorship,<br />

stagnation and corruption of the governments of Muslim<br />

states, but also by the polarisation caused in part by<br />

the invasions of the West (and Russia).<br />

None of which is to say that the growth of Islamist<br />

movements are a progressive and legitimate movement<br />

of liberation as some on the left have come near<br />

to disastrously maintaining. On the contrary, though<br />

Burke never makes such an assertion himself, I find the<br />

description of its leading figures corresponds with an<br />

almost classically fascist movement.<br />

They are rooted firmly in a disenchanted middleclass,<br />

whether doctors like al-Zawarhi or rich businessmen<br />

like bin Laden himself. They are disenchanted<br />

chiefly due to a hurt sense of national (or pan-national/<br />

religious) decline. They are utterly hostile to religious<br />

tolerance, the Enlightenment, Jews, women or minority<br />

rights, and also to socialism and the labour movement<br />

at large. Indeed, al-Banna himself was an explicit<br />

admirer of Nazi Germany. As Burke shows, the hardcore<br />

of the real ‘terrorist cells’ taking action against<br />

the West are profoundly educated and middle-class<br />

136<br />

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