Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

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Epilogue 851 In July, Japan was advised that the United States considered it self-defense to protect the British against aggression in the Atlantic—also in Singapore. Th e Japanese Ambassador spoke of Japan’s deteriorating economic situation, her objections to U.S. support of China, improving the Burma Road and supplying planes and pilots to Chungking, also of her, Japan’s, plans to occupy French Indochina and her need to station troops in Inner Mongolia to suppress Chinese Communist elements and hinted that were the United States to accept these conditions, Japan would not be particularly concerned about any action the United States might take in the Atlantic. In response, the U.S. Director of the Navy’s War Plans equated protecting the British from the Nazis with defending the U.S.: [I]t is decidedly against the military interests of the United States to permit the United Kingdom to be overcome by Germany. . . . Furthermore . . . [t]he occupation of Indo-China by Japan is particularly important for the defense of the United States since it might threaten the British position in Singapore and the Dutch position in the Netherlands East Indies. Th e Joint Board of the Army and Navy was not eager for the United States to become involved in a war with Japan. A major war eff ort in the Pacifi c “would require an enormous amount of shipping . . . from the Atlantic and other essential areas,” which “would materially aff ect United States aid to England.” CNO Stark warned his Admirals: “Since the US and Britain are held responsible by Japan for her present desperate situation there is also a possibility that Japan may attack these two powers.” Kimmel in Pearl Harbor had to rely on Washington for “intelligence.” CNO Stark assured Kimmel that the Offi ce of Naval Intelligence recognized its responsibility on that score. In mid- October, Stark wrote Kimmel:

852 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy Personally I do not believe the Japs are going to sail into us. . . . Perhaps I am wrong, but I hope not. In any case after long pow-wows in the White House, it was felt we should be on guard, at least until something indicates the trend. In early November 1941, Army Chief of Staff General Marshall and Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Stark advised FDR that United States policy in the Far East should be based fi rst on the defeat of Germany. War between the United States and Japan should be avoided while the U.S. built up her defensive forces in the Far East. Th ey told FDR that it was all right to continue to send U.S. armed forces and other aid to China for intervention against Japan. However; Marshall and Stark wanted time before the eruption of any confl ict and they recommended that “no ultimatum be delivered to Japan.” [italics added] U.S. ambassador to Japan, Joseph Grew warned FDR, November 3, 1941, that “war between Japan and the United States may come with dangerous and dramatic suddenness.” At the Cabinet’s weekly Friday meeting at the White House, November 7, 1941, FDR took the fi rst general poll of his Cabinet . . . on the question of the Far East—whether the people would back us up in case we struck at Japan down there. . . . It was unanimous in feeling the country would support us. Secretary of War Stimson believed the vote would have been much stronger if the Cabinet members had known “what the Army was doing to reenforce the Philippines and how ready the Army was to pitch in” in case of an attack on the British or Dutch in southeastern Asia. To facilitate the U.S.-Japanese diplomatic negotiations in Washington, Japan sent a second ambassador, Kurusu, to Washington in November. When Hull presented him to the president, Hull reminded Kurusu of Japan’s alliance with Germany:

Epilogue 851<br />

In July, Japan was advised that the United States considered<br />

it self-defense to protect the British against aggression in the<br />

Atlantic—also in Singapore. Th e Japanese Ambassador spoke<br />

<strong>of</strong> Japan’s deteriorating economic situation, her objections to<br />

U.S. support <strong>of</strong> China, improving the Burma Road <strong>and</strong> supplying<br />

planes <strong>and</strong> pilots to Chungking, also <strong>of</strong> her, Japan’s, plans to<br />

occupy French Indochina <strong>and</strong> her need to station troops in Inner<br />

Mongolia to suppress Chinese Communist elements <strong>and</strong> hinted<br />

that were the United States to accept these conditions, Japan<br />

would not be particularly concerned about any action the United<br />

States might take in the Atlantic. In response, the U.S. Director<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Navy’s War Plans equated protecting the British from the<br />

Nazis with defending the U.S.:<br />

[I]t is decidedly against the military interests <strong>of</strong> the United<br />

States to permit the United Kingdom to be overcome by<br />

Germany. . . . Furthermore . . . [t]he occupation <strong>of</strong> Indo-China<br />

by Japan is particularly important for the defense <strong>of</strong> the United<br />

States since it might threaten the British position in Singapore<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Dutch position in the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s East Indies.<br />

Th e Joint Board <strong>of</strong> the Army <strong>and</strong> Navy was not eager for the<br />

United States to become involved in a war with Japan. A major<br />

war eff ort in the Pacifi c “would require an enormous amount <strong>of</strong><br />

shipping . . . from the Atlantic <strong>and</strong> other essential areas,” which<br />

“would materially aff ect United States aid to Engl<strong>and</strong>.” CNO<br />

Stark warned his Admirals: “Since the US <strong>and</strong> Britain are held<br />

responsible by Japan for her present desperate situation there is<br />

also a possibility that Japan may attack these two powers.”<br />

Kimmel in <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> had to rely on Washington for “intelligence.”<br />

CNO Stark assured Kimmel that the Offi ce <strong>of</strong> Naval<br />

Intelligence recognized its responsibility on that score. In mid-<br />

October, Stark wrote Kimmel:

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