Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Joint Congressional Committee, Pearl Harbor Attack: Reports 829 fi cing our national honor and endangering our security, to avert war with Japan. 4 Th e Majority Report did not let Washington military offi - cials get off scot-free, however. It charged the war plans division of the War Department with having “failed to discharge its direct responsibility to advise the commanding general he had not properly alerted the Hawaiian Department.” It also held: Th e Intelligence and War Plans Divisions of the War and Navy Departments failed: (a) To give careful and thoughtful consideration to the intercepted messages from Tokyo to Honolulu of September 24, November 15, and November 20 (the harbor berthing plan and related dispatches) and to raise a question as to their signifi cance. . . . (b) To be properly on the qui vive to receive the “one o’clock” intercept and to recognize in the message the fact that some Japanese military action would very possibly occur somewhere at 1 p.m. December 7. . . . Notwithstanding the fact that there were offi cers on twentyfour hour watch, the Committee believes that under all of the evidence the War and Navy Departments were not suffi ciently alerted on December 6 and 7, 1941, in view of the imminence of war. 5 Th us the Majority Report was somewhat critical of Gerow (War Plans) and Turner (Intelligence), for not being more alert, and it placed some blame indirectly on Marshall and Stark for not having reacted more promptly on receiving the “One p.m. Message.” However, it held Hull’s diplomatic role justifi ed and praised Knox and Stimson. According to the Majority Report, 4Ibid., pp. 251–52. 5Ibid., p. 252.
830 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy everyone was surprised that Japan struck the Fleet at Pearl Harbor at the time that she did. Yet offi cers, both in Washington and Hawaii, were fully conscious of the danger from an attack; they realized this form of attack on Pearl Harbor by Japan was at least a possibility; and they were adequately informed of the imminence of war. 6 Th e Report listed several failures on the part of the Hawaiian commanders and concluded: “Th e errors made by the Hawaiian commands were errors of judgment and not of derelictions of duty.” Th e principal recommendations were to institute “unity of command . . . at all military and naval outposts” and to integrate “Army and Navy intelligence agencies in order to avoid the pitfalls of divided responsibility which experience has made so abundantly apparent.” 7 Keefe’s “Additional Views” In his “Additional Views,” Keefe said that he agreed with most of the Majority Report’s conclusions and recommendations. For instance, he recognized, as the majority did, that both Washington and Hawaii were surprised. Apparently neither believed that Pearl Harbor would be Japan’s initial target; both expected Japan to strike fi rst in the Asiatic area. “If this belief was unjustifi ed,” as Keefe believed it was, then the mistake lies on the Washington doorstep just as much as it does upon that of Hawaii. Th roughout the long and arduous sessions of the committee in the preparation of the committee report [I had] continuously insisted that whatever “yardstick” was agreed upon as a basis for determining 6 Ibid., p. 251. 7 Ibid., pp. 252–53.
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Joint Congressional Committee, <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Attack: Reports 829<br />
fi cing our national honor <strong>and</strong> endangering our security, to avert<br />
war with Japan. 4<br />
Th e Majority Report did not let Washington military <strong>of</strong>fi -<br />
cials get <strong>of</strong>f scot-free, however. It charged the war plans division<br />
<strong>of</strong> the War Department with having “failed to discharge its<br />
direct responsibility to advise the comm<strong>and</strong>ing general he had<br />
not properly alerted the Hawaiian Department.”<br />
It also held:<br />
Th e Intelligence <strong>and</strong> War Plans Divisions <strong>of</strong> the War <strong>and</strong><br />
Navy Departments failed: (a) To give careful <strong>and</strong> thoughtful<br />
consideration to the intercepted messages from Tokyo to<br />
Honolulu <strong>of</strong> September 24, November 15, <strong>and</strong> November 20<br />
(the harbor berthing plan <strong>and</strong> related dispatches) <strong>and</strong> to raise<br />
a question as to their signifi cance. . . . (b) To be properly on<br />
the qui vive to receive the “one o’clock” intercept <strong>and</strong> to recognize<br />
in the message the fact that some Japanese military action<br />
would very possibly occur somewhere at 1 p.m. December 7. . .<br />
. Notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing the fact that there were <strong>of</strong>fi cers on twentyfour<br />
hour watch, the Committee believes that under all <strong>of</strong> the<br />
evidence the War <strong>and</strong> Navy Departments were not suffi ciently<br />
alerted on December 6 <strong>and</strong> 7, 1941, in view <strong>of</strong> the imminence<br />
<strong>of</strong> war. 5<br />
Th us the Majority Report was somewhat critical <strong>of</strong> Gerow<br />
(War Plans) <strong>and</strong> Turner (Intelligence), for not being more alert,<br />
<strong>and</strong> it placed some blame indirectly on Marshall <strong>and</strong> Stark for<br />
not having reacted more promptly on receiving the “One p.m.<br />
Message.” However, it held Hull’s diplomatic role justifi ed <strong>and</strong><br />
praised Knox <strong>and</strong> Stimson.<br />
According to the Majority Report,<br />
4Ibid., pp. 251–52.<br />
5Ibid., p. 252.