Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

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731 29. Joint Congressional Committee on the Investigation of the Pearl Harbor Attack November 15, 1945–May 31, 1946: Part 3 The Joint Congressional Committee still had many potential witnesses on its list whose testimony was expected to prove important. Among these were Admiral R.E. Ingersoll, Assistant Chief of Naval Operations, as well as several men who had been closely concerned with MAGIC—Captain L.F. Saff ord, who had been in charge of the security section of Naval Communications; Captain A.D. Kramer, Navy translator and courier; and Colonel Rufus S. Bratton, Army courier. Th e JCC members did not fi nd it easy to learn how much was known in Washington before the attack about the imminence of war, when it was known, and how much information was relayed to the Pearl Harbor commanders.

732 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy Top Washington Officials Confer Daily on Impending Crisis When testifying before the Hart and Navy Court Inquiries, Assistant Chief of Naval Operations Ingersoll had admitted having seen the “Winds Execute” before December 7, 1941. 1 However, in his JCC testimony he belittled its importance as a war warning: [T]he wording in that winds message did not say that we are going to be in a state of war or that hostilities now exist. It referred to a rupture of diplomatic negotiations or that the situation between the countries was becoming critical. . . . If you rupture diplomatic negotiations you do not necessarily have to burn your codes. Th e diplomats go home and they can pack up their codes . . . and take them home. Ingersoll considered the destruction of the code dispatches much more important. [T]hey not only told their diplomats in Washington and London to burn their codes but they told their consuls in Manila, in Hong Kong, Singapore, and Batavia to burn their codes. And that did not mean a rupture of diplomatic negotiations, it meant war, and that information was sent out to the fl eets as soon as we got it. 2 [W]hen we received the original message which set up the winds code that became important then because that would be the fi rst indication that we would get of when the Japanese thought they would rupture negotiations or be at war if a broader interpretation were placed on it. . . . [B]ut once we had 179th Cong., 1st sess. Joint (Congressional) Committee on the Investigation of the Pearl Harbor Attack. Pearl Harbor Attack, 39 vols. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Offi ce, 1946), part 9, pp. 4223–24, portions of Hart and NCI testimony reproduced. 2Ibid., p. 4226.

732 <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Seeds</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Fruits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Infamy</strong><br />

Top Washington Officials Confer Daily<br />

on Impending Crisis<br />

When testifying before the Hart <strong>and</strong> Navy Court Inquiries,<br />

Assistant Chief <strong>of</strong> Naval Operations Ingersoll had admitted having<br />

seen the “Winds Execute” before December 7, 1941. 1 However, in<br />

his JCC testimony he belittled its importance as a war warning:<br />

[T]he wording in that winds message did not say that we are<br />

going to be in a state <strong>of</strong> war or that hostilities now exist. It<br />

referred to a rupture <strong>of</strong> diplomatic negotiations or that the situation<br />

between the countries was becoming critical. . . . If you<br />

rupture diplomatic negotiations you do not necessarily have to<br />

burn your codes. Th e diplomats go home <strong>and</strong> they can pack up<br />

their codes . . . <strong>and</strong> take them home.<br />

Ingersoll considered the destruction <strong>of</strong> the code dispatches much<br />

more important.<br />

[T]hey not only told their diplomats in Washington <strong>and</strong><br />

London to burn their codes but they told their consuls in<br />

Manila, in Hong Kong, Singapore, <strong>and</strong> Batavia to burn their<br />

codes. And that did not mean a rupture <strong>of</strong> diplomatic negotiations,<br />

it meant war, <strong>and</strong> that information was sent out to the<br />

fl eets as soon as we got it. 2<br />

[W]hen we received the original message which set up the<br />

winds code that became important then because that would<br />

be the fi rst indication that we would get <strong>of</strong> when the Japanese<br />

thought they would rupture negotiations or be at war if a<br />

broader interpretation were placed on it. . . . [B]ut once we had<br />

179th Cong., 1st sess. Joint (Congressional) Committee on the Investigation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Attack. <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Attack, 39 vols. (Washington, D.C.:<br />

U.S. Government Printing Offi ce, 1946), part 9, pp. 4223–24, portions <strong>of</strong> Hart<br />

<strong>and</strong> NCI testimony reproduced.<br />

2Ibid., p. 4226.

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