Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Joint Congressional Committee, Pearl Harbor Attack: Part 1 651 At the close of the session, reporters crowded around. Th e Washington Times-Herald’s story, headlined “‘Spy’ Identifi ed at Pearl Harbor Probe,” had a four-column photo of me seated at the committee table next to Ferguson with Senators Lucas and George in the background. New York’s PM referred to me as “Th e mysterious ‘sixth Senator’,” whose Incognito is Punctured When He Chuckles Out of Turn. . . . Th ere were some lifted eyebrows at his presence at the Committee table, but his general busy-ness and the impressive aspect of the documents he lugged to and from the sessions gave him status as some sort of functionary. Th e next day PM described a dispute between Ferguson and Barkley: “It Seems Idea Was To Get GOP’s Greaves Out of the Headlines.” When Brewster returned to Capitol Hill a few days later, he told the committee that my position was “not a matter about which there need be any mystery;” he had announced my appointment at a press conference in his offi ce some weeks ago. My duties consisted of reading and analyzing the voluminous documents, fi les, and exhibits presented to the committee, and searching the record for leads to persons who might be called as witnesses. Each evening I studied the background of scheduled witnesses and the materials pertinent to the next day’s hearings. Th en each morning before the hearings started, I briefed the minority members, suggesting possible lines of inquiry. Brewster said he was “sorry that the committee hadn’t found it practicable to allow the minority some assistance,” so he had “secured Mr. Greaves.” I was Brewster’s assistant and was being paid by him. Brewster wanted to make it clear that I had “not had for many months any connection whatsoever with the Republican National Committee.” He considered me “a very competent man. . . . [He] is my assistant. . . . I hope he may continue.” Neither he
652 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy nor I wanted “to do anything which would in any way impair the proper conduct of this very important investigation.” 119 In a memorandum to Brewster, I apologized to the committee members. I stated that I had “great respect for Members of both Houses of Congress” and had not intended “to insult or refl ect on any Members of the United States Senate by thought, word or action.” I thought Lucas had “misconstrued an unconscious and . . . silent smile that went unnoticed by anyone else.” I also said I was “a registered Republican” but received no compensation from Republican Party sources, and had not for many months before entering Brewster’s service. I assured Brewster that my activities for him had not been of a partisan or a political nature. 120 Th e incident, a one-day media sensation, disrupted the hearings only slightly. It was soon forgotten and I resumed my seat behind, not at, the committee table. Th e investigation continued. Barkley Releases TOP SECRET APHB Report On the morning of December 12 Washington was greeted by a story in the Washington Times-Herald based on the TOP SECRET Army Pearl Harbor Board Report. Barkley had released it to reporters the evening before, and they had pounced on its revelations. Th e Times-Herald story read: Heretofore “top secret”army documents on the Pearl Harbor disaster revealed . . . that army and navy witnesses testifi ed that Japanese war plans were known four days before the Hawaiian attack, but that the witnesses later changed their testimony. 119Ibid., part 4, pp. 1719–20 (December 17). 120Ibid., p. 1720.
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652 <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Seeds</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Fruits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Infamy</strong><br />
nor I wanted “to do anything which would in any way impair the<br />
proper conduct <strong>of</strong> this very important investigation.” 119<br />
In a memor<strong>and</strong>um to Brewster, I apologized to the committee<br />
members. I stated that I had “great respect for Members <strong>of</strong> both<br />
Houses <strong>of</strong> Congress” <strong>and</strong> had not intended “to insult or refl ect on<br />
any Members <strong>of</strong> the United States Senate by thought, word or<br />
action.” I thought Lucas had “misconstrued an unconscious <strong>and</strong><br />
. . . silent smile that went unnoticed by anyone else.” I also said I<br />
was “a registered Republican” but received<br />
no compensation from Republican Party sources, <strong>and</strong> had not<br />
for many months before entering Brewster’s service. I assured<br />
Brewster that my activities for him had not been <strong>of</strong> a partisan<br />
or a political nature. 120<br />
Th e incident, a one-day media sensation, disrupted the hearings<br />
only slightly. It was soon forgotten <strong>and</strong> I resumed my seat<br />
behind, not at, the committee table. Th e investigation continued.<br />
Barkley Releases TOP SECRET APHB Report<br />
On the morning <strong>of</strong> December 12 Washington was greeted<br />
by a story in the Washington Times-Herald based on the TOP<br />
SECRET Army <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Board Report. Barkley had released<br />
it to reporters the evening before, <strong>and</strong> they had pounced on its<br />
revelations. Th e Times-Herald story read:<br />
Heret<strong>of</strong>ore “top secret”army documents on the <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong><br />
disaster revealed . . . that army <strong>and</strong> navy witnesses testifi ed that<br />
Japanese war plans were known four days before the Hawaiian<br />
attack, but that the witnesses later changed their testimony.<br />
119Ibid., part 4, pp. 1719–20 (December 17).<br />
120Ibid., p. 1720.