Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Joint Congressional Committee, Pearl Harbor Attack: Part 1 645 quite apparent from the reading of those messages that were received, decoded, and placed on your desk, read or not read, that many messages directing the attention of our military and naval authorities to Hawaii had been received? Marshall had no recollection of having read any of those messages until preparing for the JCC hearings. 96 Marshall also defended himself against the APHB’s several charges: 1. In response to the charge that he had failed “To keep the Commanding General of the Hawaiian Department fully advised,” Marshall insisted he had given Short the information he needed, as a responsible commander, to be prepared for the possibility or probability of war. Th e mass of data that poured into Washington, he said, would “merely impose an additional burden.” It was “a matter of judgment” how much additional information should have gone to him. Marshall thought “only the December 7 message of 1:00 p.m. applied,” although he admitted “off hand that the messages you just read [the ships-in-harbor bomb plot messages] . . . would have been helpful to General Short, but particularly more so to Admiral Kimmel.” 97 2. In response to the charge that he should have gotten in touch with Short on the evening of December 6, when “the critical information indicating an almost immediate break with Japan” had come in, Marshall testifi ed that he did not believe it had “any specifi c bearing one way or the other on General Short’s situation and responsibility.” 98 Moreover, he reiterated that he “knew nothing of the [13-part] message whatsoever” until his arrival in the War Department on the morning of December 7. He presumed “it was not thought necessary to bring that to my immediate 96 Ibid., p. 1181. 97 Ibid. 98 Ibid., p. 1182.
646 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy attention” because the fi rst to the thirteenth part “did not include the critical statements.” 99 3. In response to the charge that he had failed to investigate and determine Short’s “state of readiness . . . between November 27 and December 7,” he denied that they had in Washington any “intimation that that [Hawaiian] command was not ready.” As a matter of fact, he “had no reason to believe that that command was anything other than highly effi cient and alert.” 100 At midmorning Saturday, when Gearhart fi nished his questioning, Ferguson took over. As chief of the (privately paid) minority staff , I was at his elbow as usual with a collection of documents and a host of important questions to be asked. 101 Ferguson persisted in his questioning until Marshall had to admit it was his responsibility, not Gerow’s, to see that Short was adequately alerted. Ferguson’s pointed questioning lasted the rest of the day. Marshall fi nally had to admit that he was the only Army offi cer with authority over Short; 102 that Gerow had no authority under Army regulations for sending an alert to Short; 103 that no responsible Army offi cer was on duty Saturday evening, December 6, or Sunday morning, December 7, who could take action before Marshall’s belated arrival at his offi ce that morning; 104 that the 99 Ibid., pp. 1320–21. 100 Ibid., pp. 1182–83. 101 Congress had provided no funds for a research staff to assist the Committee’s minority members. Th erefore, journalist John T. Flynn, who had been interested for some time in establishing the responsibility for the Pearl Harbor disaster, had raised funds to pay for me and a staff of seven to assist the Republicans. Flynn had written and published privately two pamphlets which had created quite a sensation: “Th e Truth About Pearl Harbor” (fi rst published in the Chicago Tribune, October 22, 1944) and “Th e Final Secret of Pearl Harbor” (September 1945). 102 Joint Committee, Pearl Harbor Attack, part 3, pp. 1183, 1188. 103 Ibid., pp. 1188, 1202. 104 Ibid., pp. 1114, 1184–85.
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646 <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Seeds</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Fruits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Infamy</strong><br />
attention” because the fi rst to the thirteenth part “did not include<br />
the critical statements.” 99<br />
3. In response to the charge that he had failed to investigate <strong>and</strong><br />
determine Short’s “state <strong>of</strong> readiness . . . between November 27<br />
<strong>and</strong> December 7,” he denied that they had in Washington any<br />
“intimation that that [Hawaiian] comm<strong>and</strong> was not ready.” As a<br />
matter <strong>of</strong> fact, he “had no reason to believe that that comm<strong>and</strong><br />
was anything other than highly effi cient <strong>and</strong> alert.” 100<br />
At midmorning Saturday, when Gearhart fi nished his questioning,<br />
Ferguson took over. As chief <strong>of</strong> the (privately paid)<br />
minority staff , I was at his elbow as usual with a collection <strong>of</strong> documents<br />
<strong>and</strong> a host <strong>of</strong> important questions to be asked. 101 Ferguson<br />
persisted in his questioning until Marshall had to admit it was<br />
his responsibility, not Gerow’s, to see that Short was adequately<br />
alerted.<br />
Ferguson’s pointed questioning lasted the rest <strong>of</strong> the day.<br />
Marshall fi nally had to admit that he was the only Army <strong>of</strong>fi cer<br />
with authority over Short; 102 that Gerow had no authority under<br />
Army regulations for sending an alert to Short; 103 that no responsible<br />
Army <strong>of</strong>fi cer was on duty Saturday evening, December 6,<br />
or Sunday morning, December 7, who could take action before<br />
Marshall’s belated arrival at his <strong>of</strong>fi ce that morning; 104 that the<br />
99 Ibid., pp. 1320–21.<br />
100 Ibid., pp. 1182–83.<br />
101 Congress had provided no funds for a research staff to assist the Committee’s<br />
minority members. Th erefore, journalist John T. Flynn, who had been<br />
interested for some time in establishing the responsibility for the <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong><br />
disaster, had raised funds to pay for me <strong>and</strong> a staff <strong>of</strong> seven to assist the Republicans.<br />
Flynn had written <strong>and</strong> published privately two pamphlets which had<br />
created quite a sensation: “Th e Truth About <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>” (fi rst published in<br />
the Chicago Tribune, October 22, 1944) <strong>and</strong> “Th e Final Secret <strong>of</strong> <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>”<br />
(September 1945).<br />
102 Joint Committee, <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Attack, part 3, pp. 1183, 1188.<br />
103 Ibid., pp. 1188, 1202.<br />
104 Ibid., pp. 1114, 1184–85.