Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

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The Navy Court of Inquiry (July 24–October 19, 1944) 531 a certain section of the Japanese hierarchy were very anxious to keep the United States out of the war, that is, keep the United States from assisting Great Britain, but many of the moves that had been made against Japan during 1940 and ’41 were made by the United States. 146 When the Japanese assets in the United States were frozen by executive order in July 1941, Turner said he had expressed the opinion previously, and I again expressed it, that that would very defi nitely bring on war with Japan. Th ere was no possibility of composing matters after that unless Japan made a complete backdown, which it was very apparent she was not going to do. 147 Turner had helped draft the Navy’s November 24 message warning the fi eld commanders that “a surprise aggressive movement [by the Japanese] in any direction including attack on Philippines or Guam is a possibility.” 148 By that time, he “was personally convinced that they were going to go into Siam and also into the Malay Peninsula as the initial move and also attack the Philippines.” 149 Turner recalled discussing with Stark the “substance” of the U.S. note, the so-called “ultimatum” of November 26. According to Turner, Stark said at the time that “there wasn’t any possibility that Japan would accept it.” 150 Turner said, “Mr. Hull kept Admiral Stark very well informed at all times. . . . Th eir relations,” Turner testifi ed, “were very close and cordial.” So Stark’s November 27 “war warning” message to Kimmel had been based, 146 Ibid., p. 604. 147 Ibid. 148Ibid., part 33, pp. 1173–74, CNO Stark November 24, 1941 dispatch to fi eld commanders, #242005; also part 14, p. 1405. 149Ibid., part 33, p. 878. 150Ibid., pp. 877–78.

532 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy on Hull’s advice “over the inter-offi ce phone . . . that to all intents and purposes the thing was all over as far as negotiations were concerned.” 151 Turner wrote the November 27 “war warning,” discussed it with Stark, and it went out with Turner’s recommendation. Turner was asked: “Why was it [that] the Hawaiian Islands were not included [in that message] as a possible objective for Japan?” Turner: Th e objectives which were put in there were the strategic objectives. We did not believe that Japan would launch an amphibious attack against the Hawaiian Islands. 152 However, Turner had felt an attack was coming, and I was not at all surprised at the air attack. I knew our carriers were out, and with the warnings which had been given, I felt we would give them a pretty bad beating before they got home. . . . We had done what we could to take precautions against the attack carrying through. Th e order was issued to deploy the Fleet in a defensive deployment. 153 According to Turner, that order meant To send scouting forces out of diff erent kinds, to deploy submarines in threatened directions, to put the Fleet to sea and in a covering position for the Hawaiian Islands and a supporting position for Midway. 154 151Ibid., p. 878. 152Ibid., part 32, p. 616. 153Ibid. Included in the November 27, 1941 “war warning message” (#272337): ibid., part 33, p. 1176; also part 14, p. 1406, was the directive “Execute an appropriate defensive deployment preparatory to carrying out the tasks assigned in WPL46.” 154Ibid., part 33, p. 879.

<strong>The</strong> Navy Court <strong>of</strong> Inquiry (July 24–October 19, 1944) 531<br />

a certain section <strong>of</strong> the Japanese hierarchy were very anxious to<br />

keep the United States out <strong>of</strong> the war, that is, keep the United<br />

States from assisting Great Britain, but many <strong>of</strong> the moves<br />

that had been made against Japan during 1940 <strong>and</strong> ’41 were<br />

made by the United States. 146<br />

When the Japanese assets in the United States were frozen by<br />

executive order in July 1941, Turner said he<br />

had expressed the opinion previously, <strong>and</strong> I again expressed it,<br />

that that would very defi nitely bring on war with Japan. Th ere<br />

was no possibility <strong>of</strong> composing matters after that unless Japan<br />

made a complete backdown, which it was very apparent she<br />

was not going to do. 147<br />

Turner had helped draft the Navy’s November 24 message<br />

warning the fi eld comm<strong>and</strong>ers that “a surprise aggressive movement<br />

[by the Japanese] in any direction including attack on<br />

Philippines or Guam is a possibility.” 148 By that time, he “was<br />

personally convinced that they were going to go into Siam <strong>and</strong><br />

also into the Malay Peninsula as the initial move <strong>and</strong> also attack<br />

the Philippines.” 149<br />

Turner recalled discussing with Stark the “substance” <strong>of</strong> the<br />

U.S. note, the so-called “ultimatum” <strong>of</strong> November 26. According<br />

to Turner, Stark said at the time that “there wasn’t any possibility<br />

that Japan would accept it.” 150 Turner said, “Mr. Hull kept<br />

Admiral Stark very well informed at all times. . . . Th eir relations,”<br />

Turner testifi ed, “were very close <strong>and</strong> cordial.” So Stark’s<br />

November 27 “war warning” message to Kimmel had been based,<br />

146 Ibid., p. 604.<br />

147 Ibid.<br />

148Ibid., part 33, pp. 1173–74, CNO Stark November 24, 1941 dispatch to fi eld<br />

comm<strong>and</strong>ers, #242005; also part 14, p. 1405.<br />

149Ibid., part 33, p. 878.<br />

150Ibid., pp. 877–78.

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