Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Army Pearl Harbor Board 457 position in trying to carry out any enterprise to the south of the Philippines. 58 Marshall realized that the shipments being rushed out to the Philippines must be alarming Japan. “Nobody could look at that [buildup],” he told the board, without realizing that something very critical was in the wind. Our great problem was how to do these things . . . the shipments, and collecting the means and getting them out, particularly to the Philippines, which passed entirely through Hawaii— without giving such notice to the Japanese that it would have an unfortunate eff ect in our stalling off this aff air. 59 Th e Joint Board of the Army and Navy conference on November 3 had urged postponing hostilities as long as possible. Th e November 5 Marshall-Stark memorandum to FDR had recommended that we not issue an ultimatum that might provoke Japan to attack. 60 Yet, on November 26, Hull had handed the Japanese ambassadors the U.S. “ultimatum” he knew the Japanese government would not accept. Washington’s eyes appeared to be glued on the Philippines. Th roughout this time, relatively little thought was given to Hawaii. Further confi rmation of Washington’s neglect of Pearl Harbor and its concentration on the Philippines came when Marshall appeared before the board on September 29, 1944. He was asked specifi cally about the “One p.m. Message” of December 7 and his radiogram to Hawaii which had left Washington shortly after noon that day but was delayed in transit and failed to reach Pearl Harbor until after the attack. Grunert asked Marshall’s “[r]easons for not using the telephone to inform General Short 58 Ibid., p. 2327. 59 Ibid., part 29, p. 2329. 60 Ibid., part 14, pp. 1061–62, Exhibit No. 16.
458 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy of the information contained in the Chief of Staff ’s radiogram of 7 December 1941.” 61 Marshall said that if he had used the scrambler phone to relay that message he “would certainly have called MacArthur [in the Philippines] fi rst, and then I would have called Panama Canal second.” He had thought “we were open in a more vulnerable way in the Panama Canal, than we were in Hawaii.” 62 Th e messages sent Short in Hawaii had been terse and rather cryptic, advising him that hostilities between Japan and Russia are a strong possibility. Since the U.S. and Britain are held responsible by Japan for her present desperate situation there is also a possibility that Japan may attack these two powers. 63 Short had been led to believe, by the urgency of the shipments passing through Hawaii to the Philippines, that Washington must have had defi nite reasons for believing that the Philippine Islands were the U.S. territory most seriously threatened by Japanese attack. Kimmel Tells the APHB About Important Intelligence Not Sent Pearl Harbor Commanders On Friday, August 25, several days after Kimmel testifi ed before the Navy Court of Inquiry, he was called to the witness stand by the APHB which was going on concurrently. He was asked the usual questions about his relationship with Short and other matters pertaining to conditions before the attack. 64 Kimmel 61Ibid., pp. 2330–31, Grunert letter of August 31, 1944. 62Ibid., p. 2313; part 27, p. 169. 63Ibid., part 14, p. 1327, Navy message #162203 of October 16. 64Ibid., part 28, pp. 909–48.
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Army <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Board 457<br />
position in trying to carry out any enterprise to the south <strong>of</strong><br />
the Philippines. 58<br />
Marshall realized that the shipments being rushed out to the<br />
Philippines must be alarming Japan. “Nobody could look at that<br />
[buildup],” he told the board,<br />
without realizing that something very critical was in the wind.<br />
Our great problem was how to do these things . . . the shipments,<br />
<strong>and</strong> collecting the means <strong>and</strong> getting them out, particularly<br />
to the Philippines, which passed entirely through Hawaii—<br />
without giving such notice to the Japanese that it would have<br />
an unfortunate eff ect in our stalling <strong>of</strong>f this aff air. 59<br />
Th e Joint Board <strong>of</strong> the Army <strong>and</strong> Navy conference on November<br />
3 had urged postponing hostilities as long as possible. Th e<br />
November 5 Marshall-Stark memor<strong>and</strong>um to FDR had recommended<br />
that we not issue an ultimatum that might provoke Japan<br />
to attack. 60 Yet, on November 26, Hull had h<strong>and</strong>ed the Japanese<br />
ambassadors the U.S. “ultimatum” he knew the Japanese government<br />
would not accept.<br />
Washington’s eyes appeared to be glued on the Philippines.<br />
Th roughout this time, relatively little thought was given to Hawaii.<br />
Further confi rmation <strong>of</strong> Washington’s neglect <strong>of</strong> <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong><br />
<strong>and</strong> its concentration on the Philippines came when Marshall<br />
appeared before the board on September 29, 1944. He was asked<br />
specifi cally about the “One p.m. Message” <strong>of</strong> December 7 <strong>and</strong><br />
his radiogram to Hawaii which had left Washington shortly<br />
after noon that day but was delayed in transit <strong>and</strong> failed to reach<br />
<strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> until after the attack. Grunert asked Marshall’s<br />
“[r]easons for not using the telephone to inform General Short<br />
58 Ibid., p. 2327.<br />
59 Ibid., part 29, p. 2329.<br />
60 Ibid., part 14, pp. 1061–62, Exhibit No. 16.