Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
The Morning of the Fateful Day 305 Nomura phoned again shortly after 1:00 to ask for a postponement until 1:45. Hull agreed to the time change. 97 Sunday Morning at the White House Th e morning of December 7 was a busy one for FDR. He had been up late the night before with Marshall, Stark, Stimson, Knox, and Hopkins, discussing until the early hours of the morning the crescendo toward which the situation in the Far East was building. At about 10:00 a.m., FDR’s naval aide, Beardall, delivered to him in his bedroom the fi nal 14th part of the Japanese reply. It is possible that FDR’s busy day began even earlier when Stark phoned giving him advance notice of that morning’s two crucial Japanese intercepts—part 14 of Japan’s fi nal reply and the extremely important “One p.m. Message.” In any event, when the MAGIC pouch containing the “One p.m. Message” was delivered to FDR later that morning, he learned fi rsthand about that as well as the other urgent Japanese intercepts. FDR’s personal physician, Dr. Ross T. McIntire, was one of the president’s closest associates. He admired FDR greatly and faithfully kept his secrets, both medical and non-medical. From the day of FDR’s fi rst inauguration until the day of FDR’s passing in 1945, McIntire saw the president “each morning and again in the evening.” 98 December 7, 1941, was no exception. McIntire was “with him [FDR] on that Sunday morning from ten to twelve o’clock, while Mr. Hull was waiting over in the State Department for the Japanese envoys to bring their government’s reply to the American note.” According to McIntire, FDR thought that even given “the madness of Japan’s military masters [they] would not risk a war with the United States.” Th ey “might well . . . take 97Hull, Th e Memoirs of Cordell Hull, p. 1095. See also Pratt, Cordell Hull, vol. 2, pp. 517–18. 98Ross T. McIntire, White House Physician (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1946), p. 3.
306 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy advantage of Great Britain’s extremity and strike at Singapore or some other point in the Far East, but an attack on any American possession did not enter his [FDR’s] thought.” In McIntire’s view, the president clearly “counted only on the usual evasions” from the two ambassadors. 99 FDR was also in touch that Sunday morning with the British ambassador, Lord Halifax. Halifax had sent to the White House for Roosevelt’s comments a copy of the British government’s proposed message to Japan. He was waiting at the British embassy for a phone call from Roosevelt. 100 China was also very much in FDR’s thoughts. Th e Chinese government had appreciated his eff orts to strangle Japan economically. As a result, Chinese ambassador Hu Shih and FDR had developed a close and confi dential relationship. Roosevelt had tried to get in touch with Hu the day before, but he had been in New York. On his return Sunday morning, he returned FDR’s call, and the president summoned him to the White House for a confi dential chat. Hu arrived about 12:30. FDR showed him the statement he had sent the Japanese emperor, his “very last gesture toward peace,” Roosevelt said. “[I]f Hirohito didn’t respond— well, it would be war!” FDR told Hu about the Japanese envoys’s insistence on a 1:00 p.m. appointment with Hull. Roosevelt expected “either an answer [from Hirohito] or a nasty move from the Japs before Tuesday morning.” 101 He fully “expected ‘foul play’; he had a feeling that within forty-eight hours something ‘nasty’ might hap- 99 Ibid., pp. 136–37. 100 Earl of Birkenhead, Halifax (Houghton Miffl in, 1966), p. 530. 101 Helen Lombard, While Th ey Fought: Behind the Scenes in Washington, 1941– 1946 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1947), p. 10.
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306 <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Seeds</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Fruits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Infamy</strong><br />
advantage <strong>of</strong> Great Britain’s extremity <strong>and</strong> strike at Singapore or<br />
some other point in the Far East, but an attack on any American<br />
possession did not enter his [FDR’s] thought.” In McIntire’s<br />
view, the president clearly “counted only on the usual evasions”<br />
from the two ambassadors. 99<br />
FDR was also in touch that Sunday morning with the British<br />
ambassador, Lord Halifax. Halifax had sent to the White House<br />
for Roosevelt’s comments a copy <strong>of</strong> the British government’s proposed<br />
message to Japan. He was waiting at the British embassy<br />
for a phone call from Roosevelt. 100<br />
China was also very much in FDR’s thoughts. Th e Chinese<br />
government had appreciated his eff orts to strangle Japan economically.<br />
As a result, Chinese ambassador Hu Shih <strong>and</strong> FDR<br />
had developed a close <strong>and</strong> confi dential relationship. Roosevelt<br />
had tried to get in touch with Hu the day before, but he had been<br />
in New York. On his return Sunday morning, he returned FDR’s<br />
call, <strong>and</strong> the president summoned him to the White House for a<br />
confi dential chat. Hu arrived about 12:30. FDR showed him the<br />
statement he had sent the Japanese emperor, his “very last gesture<br />
toward peace,” Roosevelt said. “[I]f Hirohito didn’t respond—<br />
well, it would be war!”<br />
FDR told Hu about the Japanese envoys’s insistence on a<br />
1:00 p.m. appointment with Hull. Roosevelt expected “either an<br />
answer [from Hirohito] or a nasty move from the Japs before<br />
Tuesday morning.” 101 He fully “expected ‘foul play’; he had a feeling<br />
that within forty-eight hours something ‘nasty’ might hap-<br />
99 Ibid., pp. 136–37.<br />
100 Earl <strong>of</strong> Birkenhead, Halifax (Houghton Miffl in, 1966), p. 530.<br />
101 Helen Lombard, While Th ey Fought: Behind the Scenes in Washington, 1941–<br />
1946 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1947), p. 10.