Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 157 c. We will take over all rights and interests owned by enemy powers, even though they might have connections with the new Chinese government, should it become necessary. Th e Japanese were under no illusion as to the problems involved in fi ghting an expanded war. Th eir forces were widely extended and their resources severely strained. Th ey wanted to “avoid, insofar as possible, exhausting our veteran troops.” However, they were prepared to “cope with a world war on a long-time scale.” If their “reserves for total war and . . . future military strength wane,” they would “reinforce them from the whole Far Eastern area. Th is has become the whole fundamental policy of the Empire.” To carry out these foreign policy objectives, the Japanese would encourage the activities of important Chinese in their eff orts in the occupied territories insofar as is possible. Japan and China, working in cooperation, will take over military bases. Th us, operating wherever possible, we will realize peace throughout the entire Far East. However, because of the U.S. embargo on exports to Japan, resources were a primary concern; “great importance [was placed] upon the acquisition of materials (especially from unoccupied areas).” Th e entire Japanese cabinet “concurred.” 50 Th e military and administration offi cials in Washington who read this intercept could have had little doubt as to the seriousness of the consequences if the negotiations with the Japanese ambassadors failed. 50 Joint Committee, Pearl Harbor Attack, part 12, pp. 126–27.
158 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy FDR Notifies the Philippines That Japanese Aggression Appears Imminent While Hull was making plans to present the U.S. ten-point note to the Japanese ambassadors, FDR prepared a message to our high commissioner in the Philippines, Francis B. Sayre. Roosevelt explained that the Far East was a veritable tinderbox. “Th e Japanese are strongly reenforcing their garrisons and naval forces in the Mandates in a manner which indicates they are preparing this region as quickly as possible against a possible attack on them by US forces.” However, FDR was not so much concerned by the Japanese attempts to defend themselves against the United States as he was by the “increasing opposition of Japanese leaders and by current southward troop movements from Shanghai and Japan to the Formosa area.” It was apparent, he continued, that the Japanese were making preparations in China, Formosa, and Indochina “for an early aggressive movement of some character.” However, it was not yet clear whether this move would be “directed against the Burma Road, Th ailand, Malay Peninsula, Netherlands East Indies or the Philippines.” Th e most likely target seemed to be Th ailand. FDR was fearful that “this next Japanese aggression might cause an outbreak of hostilities between the U.S. and Japan.” He asked Sayre to discuss the situation with the U.S. military commanders in Manila, Admiral Hart and General MacArthur. Th e commissioner should then “present my views to the president of the Philippine Commonwealth and inform him that as always I am relying upon the full cooperation of his Government and his people.” FDR’s cable was transmitted by the Navy to the Philippines on the afternoon of November 26. 51 51 Joint Committee, Pearl Harbor Attack, part 11, p. 5214.
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Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 157<br />
c. We will take over all rights <strong>and</strong> interests owned by enemy<br />
powers, even though they might have connections with the<br />
new Chinese government, should it become necessary.<br />
Th e Japanese were under no illusion as to the problems involved<br />
in fi ghting an exp<strong>and</strong>ed war. Th eir forces were widely extended<br />
<strong>and</strong> their resources severely strained. Th ey wanted to “avoid,<br />
ins<strong>of</strong>ar as possible, exhausting our veteran troops.” However, they<br />
were prepared to “cope with a world war on a long-time scale.” If<br />
their “reserves for total war <strong>and</strong> . . . future military strength wane,”<br />
they would “reinforce them from the whole Far Eastern area. Th is<br />
has become the whole fundamental policy <strong>of</strong> the Empire.”<br />
To carry out these foreign policy objectives, the Japanese<br />
would<br />
encourage the activities <strong>of</strong> important Chinese in their eff orts in<br />
the occupied territories ins<strong>of</strong>ar as is possible. Japan <strong>and</strong> China,<br />
working in cooperation, will take over military bases. Th us,<br />
operating wherever possible, we will realize peace throughout<br />
the entire Far East.<br />
However, because <strong>of</strong> the U.S. embargo on exports to Japan,<br />
resources were a primary concern; “great importance [was placed]<br />
upon the acquisition <strong>of</strong> materials (especially from unoccupied<br />
areas).” Th e entire Japanese cabinet “concurred.” 50<br />
Th e military <strong>and</strong> administration <strong>of</strong>fi cials in Washington who<br />
read this intercept could have had little doubt as to the seriousness<br />
<strong>of</strong> the consequences if the negotiations with the Japanese<br />
ambassadors failed.<br />
50 Joint Committee, <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Attack, part 12, pp. 126–27.