Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...

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Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 153 After reading the documents, Kurusu asked “whether this was our reply to their proposal for a modus vivendi . . . . Mr. Kurusu off ered various depreciatory comments in regard to the proposed agreement. He noted that in our statement of principles there was a reiteration of the Stimson doctrine.” He was referring to the Doctrine of Non-recognition advocated by Stimson when he was President Hoover’s secretary of state. 46 Kurusu objected to the proposal for multilateral non-aggression pacts and referred to Japan’s bitter experience of international 1901. Both Governments will endeavor to obtain the agreement of the British and other governments to give up extraterritorial rights in China, including rights in international settlements and in concessions and under the Boxer Protocol of 1901. 6. Th e Government of the United States and the Government of Japan will enter into negotiations for the conclusion between the United States and Japan of a trade agreement, based upon reciprocal mostfavored-nation treatment and reduction of trade barriers by both countries, including an undertaking by the United States to bind raw silk on the free list. 7. Th e Government of the United States and the Government of Japan will, respectively, remove the freezing restrictions on Japanese funds in the United States and on American funds in Japan. 8. Both Governments will agree upon a plan for the stabilization of the dollar-yen rate, with the allocation of funds adequate for this purpose, half to be supplied by Japan and half by the United States. 9. Both Governments will agree that no agreement which either has concluded with any third power or powers shall be interpreted by it in such a way as to confl ict with the fundamental purpose of this agreement, the establishment and preservation of peace throughout the Pacifi c area. 10. Both Governments will use their infl uence to cause other governments to adhere to and to give practical application to the basic political and economic principles set forth in this agreement. 46Ibid., p. 76. See also Henry L. Stimson and McGeorge Bundy, On Active Service in Peace and War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), pp. 257–58.

154 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy organization, citing the case of the award against Japan by the Hague tribunal in the Perpetual Leases matter. Kurusu did not believe his government could agree to paragraph (3) calling on Japan to withdraw all military, naval, air, and police forces from both China and Indochina, or paragraph (4) asking her to refrain from supporting—militarily, politically, economically—any government or regime in China other than Chiang’s national government. Kurusu did not think the United States should expect Japan to “take off its hat to Chiang Kai-shek and propose to recognize him. . . . He said that if this was the idea of the American Government he did not see how any agreement was possible.” Hull asked if this couldn’t be “worked out.” Kurusu responded “that when they [the Japanese ambassadors] reported our answer to their Government it would be likely to throw up its hands.” However, he said, “this was a tentative proposal without commitment.” Perhaps they should “not refer it to their Government before discussing its contents further informally here.” Hull said they might want to study the document carefully, but he explained that “our proposal was as far as we could go at this time.” With specifi c reference to the oil question, Hull said “public feeling [in the United States] was so acute . . . that he might almost be lynched if he permitted oil to go freely to Japan.” Kurusu “felt that our response to their proposal could be interpreted as tantamount to meaning the end.” He wanted to know if we weren’t interested in a modus vivendi. “Th e Secretary replied that we had explored that. Mr. Kurusu asked whether it was because the other powers would not agree.” Th e Japanese must have been aware of the plans we had been making to cooperate with the British and Dutch in the southwest Pacifi c. Th e secretary [Hull] replied simply that “he had done his best in the

154 <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Seeds</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Fruits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Infamy</strong><br />

organization, citing the case <strong>of</strong> the award against Japan by the<br />

Hague tribunal in the Perpetual Leases matter.<br />

Kurusu did not believe his government could agree to paragraph<br />

(3) calling on Japan to withdraw all military, naval, air,<br />

<strong>and</strong> police forces from both China <strong>and</strong> Indochina, or paragraph<br />

(4) asking her to refrain from supporting—militarily, politically,<br />

economically—any government or regime in China other than<br />

Chiang’s national government. Kurusu did not think the United<br />

States should expect Japan to “take <strong>of</strong>f its hat to Chiang Kai-shek<br />

<strong>and</strong> propose to recognize him. . . . He said that if this was the idea<br />

<strong>of</strong> the American Government he did not see how any agreement<br />

was possible.”<br />

Hull asked if this couldn’t be “worked out.” Kurusu responded<br />

“that when they [the Japanese ambassadors] reported our answer<br />

to their Government it would be likely to throw up its h<strong>and</strong>s.”<br />

However, he said, “this was a tentative proposal without commitment.”<br />

Perhaps they should “not refer it to their Government<br />

before discussing its contents further informally here.” Hull said<br />

they might want to study the document carefully, but he explained<br />

that “our proposal was as far as we could go at this time.” With<br />

specifi c reference to the oil question, Hull said “public feeling<br />

[in the United States] was so acute . . . that he might almost be<br />

lynched if he permitted oil to go freely to Japan.”<br />

Kurusu “felt that our response to their proposal could be<br />

interpreted as tantamount to meaning the end.” He wanted to<br />

know if we weren’t interested in a modus vivendi. “Th e Secretary<br />

replied that we had explored that. Mr. Kurusu asked whether it<br />

was because the other powers would not agree.” Th e Japanese<br />

must have been aware <strong>of</strong> the plans we had been making to cooperate<br />

with the British <strong>and</strong> Dutch in the southwest Pacifi c. Th e<br />

secretary [Hull] replied simply that “he had done his best in the

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