Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 153 After reading the documents, Kurusu asked “whether this was our reply to their proposal for a modus vivendi . . . . Mr. Kurusu off ered various depreciatory comments in regard to the proposed agreement. He noted that in our statement of principles there was a reiteration of the Stimson doctrine.” He was referring to the Doctrine of Non-recognition advocated by Stimson when he was President Hoover’s secretary of state. 46 Kurusu objected to the proposal for multilateral non-aggression pacts and referred to Japan’s bitter experience of international 1901. Both Governments will endeavor to obtain the agreement of the British and other governments to give up extraterritorial rights in China, including rights in international settlements and in concessions and under the Boxer Protocol of 1901. 6. Th e Government of the United States and the Government of Japan will enter into negotiations for the conclusion between the United States and Japan of a trade agreement, based upon reciprocal mostfavored-nation treatment and reduction of trade barriers by both countries, including an undertaking by the United States to bind raw silk on the free list. 7. Th e Government of the United States and the Government of Japan will, respectively, remove the freezing restrictions on Japanese funds in the United States and on American funds in Japan. 8. Both Governments will agree upon a plan for the stabilization of the dollar-yen rate, with the allocation of funds adequate for this purpose, half to be supplied by Japan and half by the United States. 9. Both Governments will agree that no agreement which either has concluded with any third power or powers shall be interpreted by it in such a way as to confl ict with the fundamental purpose of this agreement, the establishment and preservation of peace throughout the Pacifi c area. 10. Both Governments will use their infl uence to cause other governments to adhere to and to give practical application to the basic political and economic principles set forth in this agreement. 46Ibid., p. 76. See also Henry L. Stimson and McGeorge Bundy, On Active Service in Peace and War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), pp. 257–58.
154 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy organization, citing the case of the award against Japan by the Hague tribunal in the Perpetual Leases matter. Kurusu did not believe his government could agree to paragraph (3) calling on Japan to withdraw all military, naval, air, and police forces from both China and Indochina, or paragraph (4) asking her to refrain from supporting—militarily, politically, economically—any government or regime in China other than Chiang’s national government. Kurusu did not think the United States should expect Japan to “take off its hat to Chiang Kai-shek and propose to recognize him. . . . He said that if this was the idea of the American Government he did not see how any agreement was possible.” Hull asked if this couldn’t be “worked out.” Kurusu responded “that when they [the Japanese ambassadors] reported our answer to their Government it would be likely to throw up its hands.” However, he said, “this was a tentative proposal without commitment.” Perhaps they should “not refer it to their Government before discussing its contents further informally here.” Hull said they might want to study the document carefully, but he explained that “our proposal was as far as we could go at this time.” With specifi c reference to the oil question, Hull said “public feeling [in the United States] was so acute . . . that he might almost be lynched if he permitted oil to go freely to Japan.” Kurusu “felt that our response to their proposal could be interpreted as tantamount to meaning the end.” He wanted to know if we weren’t interested in a modus vivendi. “Th e Secretary replied that we had explored that. Mr. Kurusu asked whether it was because the other powers would not agree.” Th e Japanese must have been aware of the plans we had been making to cooperate with the British and Dutch in the southwest Pacifi c. Th e secretary [Hull] replied simply that “he had done his best in the
- Page 125 and 126: 102 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 127 and 128: 104 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 129 and 130: 106 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 131 and 132: 108 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 133 and 134: 110 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 135 and 136: 112 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 137 and 138: 114 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 139 and 140: 116 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 141 and 142: 118 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 143 and 144: 120 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 145 and 146: 122 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 147 and 148: 124 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 149 and 150: 126 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fru
- Page 152 and 153: 129 6. Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! Int
- Page 154 and 155: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 131 to thw
- Page 156 and 157: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 133 So thr
- Page 158 and 159: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 135 4. U.S
- Page 160 and 161: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 137 have s
- Page 162 and 163: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 139 were i
- Page 164 and 165: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 141 of est
- Page 166 and 167: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 143 for th
- Page 168 and 169: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 145 their
- Page 170 and 171: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 147 Japane
- Page 172 and 173: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 149 given.
- Page 174 and 175: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 151 by Chi
- Page 178 and 179: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 155 way of
- Page 180 and 181: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 157 c. We
- Page 182 and 183: Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 159 Japane
- Page 184 and 185: 7. Japanese Action Appears Imminent
- Page 186 and 187: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 16
- Page 188 and 189: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 16
- Page 190 and 191: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 16
- Page 192 and 193: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 16
- Page 194 and 195: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 17
- Page 196 and 197: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 17
- Page 198 and 199: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 17
- Page 200 and 201: Japanese Action Appears Imminent 17
- Page 202 and 203: 8. The Countdown Begins U.S.-Japane
- Page 204 and 205: The Countdown Begins 181 Tokyo Orde
- Page 206 and 207: The Countdown Begins 183 offi ce, w
- Page 208 and 209: The Countdown Begins 185 Pacific. .
- Page 210 and 211: The Countdown Begins 187 Th e Japan
- Page 212 and 213: The Countdown Begins 189 southeast
- Page 214 and 215: The Countdown Begins 191 Th e battl
- Page 216 and 217: The Countdown Begins 193 situation
- Page 218 and 219: The Countdown Begins 195 and Washin
- Page 220 and 221: The Countdown Begins 197 Four offi
- Page 222 and 223: The Countdown Begins 199 FDR also t
- Page 224: The Countdown Begins 201 night repo
154 <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong>: <strong>The</strong> <strong>Seeds</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Fruits</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Infamy</strong><br />
organization, citing the case <strong>of</strong> the award against Japan by the<br />
Hague tribunal in the Perpetual Leases matter.<br />
Kurusu did not believe his government could agree to paragraph<br />
(3) calling on Japan to withdraw all military, naval, air,<br />
<strong>and</strong> police forces from both China <strong>and</strong> Indochina, or paragraph<br />
(4) asking her to refrain from supporting—militarily, politically,<br />
economically—any government or regime in China other than<br />
Chiang’s national government. Kurusu did not think the United<br />
States should expect Japan to “take <strong>of</strong>f its hat to Chiang Kai-shek<br />
<strong>and</strong> propose to recognize him. . . . He said that if this was the idea<br />
<strong>of</strong> the American Government he did not see how any agreement<br />
was possible.”<br />
Hull asked if this couldn’t be “worked out.” Kurusu responded<br />
“that when they [the Japanese ambassadors] reported our answer<br />
to their Government it would be likely to throw up its h<strong>and</strong>s.”<br />
However, he said, “this was a tentative proposal without commitment.”<br />
Perhaps they should “not refer it to their Government<br />
before discussing its contents further informally here.” Hull said<br />
they might want to study the document carefully, but he explained<br />
that “our proposal was as far as we could go at this time.” With<br />
specifi c reference to the oil question, Hull said “public feeling<br />
[in the United States] was so acute . . . that he might almost be<br />
lynched if he permitted oil to go freely to Japan.”<br />
Kurusu “felt that our response to their proposal could be<br />
interpreted as tantamount to meaning the end.” He wanted to<br />
know if we weren’t interested in a modus vivendi. “Th e Secretary<br />
replied that we had explored that. Mr. Kurusu asked whether it<br />
was because the other powers would not agree.” Th e Japanese<br />
must have been aware <strong>of</strong> the plans we had been making to cooperate<br />
with the British <strong>and</strong> Dutch in the southwest Pacifi c. Th e<br />
secretary [Hull] replied simply that “he had done his best in the