Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 137 have serious repercussions, but also that their government was not taking them into full confi dence. On November 22, Japan made another concession, off ering to move her troops from the south of Indochina to the north. Kurusu told Hull it had taken a great deal of persuasion to induce the army to abandon a position once taken, but that both he and the Ambassador had been pleasantly surprised when the Japanese army acceded to their suggestion in regard to off ering to withdraw the Japanese troops from southern Indochina. Kurusu considered this “an encouraging sign.” 12 On November 24, two days after U.S. intelligence experts decoded Tokyo cable #812 extending the Japanese deadline to November 29, the two ambassadors received a follow-up cable from Tokyo: “Th e time limit set in my message #812 is in Tokyo time.” 13 Th at was 14 hours earlier than Washington time. Th us we were alerted that the timing of the deadline was crucial. Th is cable was decoded by our cryptoanalysts in Washington the same day it was sent. More Discussions Among Friends of the U.S. on U.S. Response to Japan Also on November 24, Hull met once more with the Australian, British, Chinese, and Dutch diplomats. Th e Dutch minister said his government “would support the [U.S.] modus vivendi proposal.” However, Chinese Ambassador Hu Shih objected to several of its provisions that aff ected China. For one 12Department of State, Japan, 1931–1941, p. 758. State Department memorandum of Hull’s November 22 conversation with the Japanese ambassadors. 13Joint Committee, Pearl Harbor Attack, part 12, p. 173. Tokyo message #823 to Washington.
138 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy thing, he believed that permitting the Japanese to retain soldiers in Indochina would pose a threat to China’s supply line, the recently reopened Burma Road. Hull realized the urgency of the situation. He pointed out to the four diplomats the importance of reaching a temporary agreement with the Japanese to assure a few more months of peace. He said he was striving to reach this proposed temporary agreement primarily because the heads of our Army and Navy often emphasize to [him] that time is the all-important question for them, and that it is necessary to be more fully prepared to deal eff ectively with the situation in the Pacifi c area in case of an outbreak by Japan. Hull also emphasized the point that, even if we agree that the chances of such an outbreak are not great, it must be admitted that there are real possibilities that such an outbreak may soon occur— any day after this week—unless a temporary arrangement is eff ected. (italics added) 14 Information then available in the Navy Department clearly indicated that the Japanese were planning some decisive action for the very near future. In the afternoon of November 24, Chief of Naval Operations Stark authorized a circular message to his fl eet commanders on the rim of the Pacifi c—in the Philippines (Hart), at Pearl Harbor (Kimmel), and to the commandants of the several naval districts, Panama (15th), San Diego (11th), San Francisco (12th), and Seattle (13th)—with copies for information only to SPENAVO (Special Naval Observer/London) and the commander of the Atlantic Fleet (King). (All Navy messages 14Department of State, Th e Far East, pp. 646–47, Hull’s memorandum of conversation.
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Modus Vivendi—Yes? No! 137<br />
have serious repercussions, but also that their government was<br />
not taking them into full confi dence.<br />
On November 22, Japan made another concession, <strong>of</strong>f ering<br />
to move her troops from the south <strong>of</strong> Indochina to the north.<br />
Kurusu told Hull it had taken<br />
a great deal <strong>of</strong> persuasion to induce the army to ab<strong>and</strong>on a<br />
position once taken, but that both he <strong>and</strong> the Ambassador had<br />
been pleasantly surprised when the Japanese army acceded to<br />
their suggestion in regard to <strong>of</strong>f ering to withdraw the Japanese<br />
troops from southern Indochina.<br />
Kurusu considered this “an encouraging sign.” 12<br />
On November 24, two days after U.S. intelligence experts<br />
decoded Tokyo cable #812 extending the Japanese deadline to<br />
November 29, the two ambassadors received a follow-up cable<br />
from Tokyo: “Th e time limit set in my message #812 is in Tokyo<br />
time.” 13 Th at was 14 hours earlier than Washington time. Th us<br />
we were alerted that the timing <strong>of</strong> the deadline was crucial. Th is<br />
cable was decoded by our cryptoanalysts in Washington the same<br />
day it was sent.<br />
More Discussions Among Friends<br />
<strong>of</strong> the U.S. on U.S. Response to Japan<br />
Also on November 24, Hull met once more with the<br />
Australian, British, Chinese, <strong>and</strong> Dutch diplomats. Th e Dutch<br />
minister said his government “would support the [U.S.] modus<br />
vivendi proposal.” However, Chinese Ambassador Hu Shih<br />
objected to several <strong>of</strong> its provisions that aff ected China. For one<br />
12Department <strong>of</strong> State, Japan, 1931–1941, p. 758. State Department memor<strong>and</strong>um<br />
<strong>of</strong> Hull’s November 22 conversation with the Japanese ambassadors.<br />
13Joint Committee, <strong>Pearl</strong> <strong>Harbor</strong> Attack, part 12, p. 173. Tokyo message #823<br />
to Washington.