Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ... Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy - Ludwig von Mises ...
Talk of Ultimatums and Deadlines 125 like a powder keg.” He repeated that some way must be found to avoid war and assured the president that Prime Minister Tojo was also “very desirous of bringing about a peaceful adjustment notwithstanding he is an Army man.” 25 Meanwhile, that very afternoon Hull received a cable from Ambassador Grew in Japan. Grew warned that there was “need to guard against sudden Japanese naval or military actions” outside the area of the Chinese theater of operations. It was likely, he said, that the Japanese might take “every possible tactical advantage, such as surprise and initiative.” Japan maintained “extremely eff ective control over both primary and secondary military information,” so the embassy’s fi eld of observation was “restricted almost literally to what could be seen with the naked eye, and this is negligible.” Th is meant that the U.S. embassy’s naval and military attaches could not be relied on to send “substantial warning.” Th e Japanese, therefore, were “assured of the ability to send without foreign observation their troop transports in various directions.” 26 The Japanese Ambassadors Continue Trying for Agreement Th e two Japanese ambassadors were back at the State Department the following day. Th eir deadline (November 25) was approaching, and their immediate concern was the diffi cult position of the Japanese under the U.S.-imposed trade restrictions and asset-freeze. Th ey pointed out that Japan was much more dependent on foreign trade than the United States; she was “hardpressed,” and thus “desirous” of reaching some agreement. 25 Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States: Japan, 1931–1941, vol. 2, pp. 740–43. 26 Ibid., pp. 743–44.
126 Pearl Harbor: The Seeds and Fruits of Infamy Hull responded by raising the China question, which had long been a sticking point between the two countries. Would the Japanese be willing to forgo annexation and indemnities, and to respect China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as the principle of equality? Nomura replied that they would be. Hull then asked how many soldiers the Japanese would be willing to withdraw from China. “Possibly 90 per cent,” the ambassador replied. And how long did the Japanese intend to keep that remaining 10 percent in China? Th e ambassador did not reply directly but “invited attention to the fact that under the existing Boxer Protocol, Japan was permitted to retain troops in the Peiping and Tientsin area.” Th e next topic was Indochina. When Japan moved troops into that country in July, U.S.-Japanese conversations were interrupted and shipments of petroleum products were discontinued. Kurusu said Japan intended to withdraw her troops from Indochina “as soon as a just Pacifi c settlement should be reached.” He asked about the possibility of the United States’s ending the sanctions in the meantime. Hull said he would consult the British and the Dutch on this suggestion. 27 Th e Japanese were tired of fi ghting China, Kurusu added, and she would go as far as she could in taking the fi rst step toward peace. Nevertheless, the U.S. government refused to make any concessions about aid to China. Th e situation was complicated by Japan’s military alliance with Germany. Both England and Russia wanted Japan thoroughly occupied with her war in China so that she could not become an active ally of Germany, which would put at risk Britain’s possessions in Asia and Russia’s far eastern territory. Th us U.S. aid to China was, in eff ect, aid to England and Russia. 27 Ibid., pp. 744–50. Memorandum of Hull’s November 18, 1941 conversation with Japanese ambassadors.
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Talk <strong>of</strong> Ultimatums <strong>and</strong> Deadlines 125<br />
like a powder keg.” He repeated that some way must be found<br />
to avoid war <strong>and</strong> assured the president that Prime Minister Tojo<br />
was also “very desirous <strong>of</strong> bringing about a peaceful adjustment<br />
notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing he is an Army man.” 25<br />
Meanwhile, that very afternoon Hull received a cable from<br />
Ambassador Grew in Japan. Grew warned that there was “need<br />
to guard against sudden Japanese naval or military actions” outside<br />
the area <strong>of</strong> the Chinese theater <strong>of</strong> operations. It was likely, he<br />
said, that the Japanese might take “every possible tactical advantage,<br />
such as surprise <strong>and</strong> initiative.” Japan maintained “extremely<br />
eff ective control over both primary <strong>and</strong> secondary military information,”<br />
so the embassy’s fi eld <strong>of</strong> observation was “restricted<br />
almost literally to what could be seen with the naked eye, <strong>and</strong><br />
this is negligible.” Th is meant that the U.S. embassy’s naval <strong>and</strong><br />
military attaches could not be relied on to send “substantial warning.”<br />
Th e Japanese, therefore, were “assured <strong>of</strong> the ability to send<br />
without foreign observation their troop transports in various<br />
directions.” 26<br />
<strong>The</strong> Japanese Ambassadors Continue<br />
Trying for Agreement<br />
Th e two Japanese ambassadors were back at the State<br />
Department the following day. Th eir deadline (November 25) was<br />
approaching, <strong>and</strong> their immediate concern was the diffi cult position<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Japanese under the U.S.-imposed trade restrictions <strong>and</strong><br />
asset-freeze. Th ey pointed out that Japan was much more dependent<br />
on foreign trade than the United States; she was “hardpressed,”<br />
<strong>and</strong> thus “desirous” <strong>of</strong> reaching some agreement.<br />
25 Department <strong>of</strong> State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations <strong>of</strong> the United<br />
States: Japan, 1931–1941, vol. 2, pp. 740–43.<br />
26 Ibid., pp. 743–44.