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Clothing from East Greenland - Museum Volkenkunde

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<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

Cunera Buijs<br />

Introduction<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

In <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> the severe climatic conditions make heavy demands on clothing worn there.<br />

Clothes have to protect the inhabitants of the region against extreme cold, wind, and damp. For<br />

centuries the inhabitants of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, the Inuit, were only able to use materials provided by<br />

their hunting, including animal skins, sinews, and even animal intestines. The Inuit turned these<br />

materials into clothing superbly adapted to the polar climate.<br />

The Europeans arriving in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> <strong>from</strong> the end of the nineteenth century on, brought<br />

new materials with them. This resulted in modifications to traditional clothing, and even in its<br />

partial disappearance. Yet traditional garments have never completely vanished <strong>from</strong> the scene.<br />

In a sense they satisfy climatic demands more effectively than European clothing, and the Inuit<br />

also wear traditional clothes as a expression of their cultural identity.<br />

The National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology in Leiden houses a collection of garments worn by the Inuit<br />

of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, the oldest among them dating <strong>from</strong> the time of the first contacts with<br />

outsiders, and including examples dating <strong>from</strong> right up to the present day. This collection permits<br />

us to see clearly how Inuit clothing in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> has changed over time. Both inside the<br />

museum, and in the field, research is carried out on the causes and consequences of these<br />

changes for Inuit society.<br />

1


Table of contents:<br />

1. <strong>Greenland</strong> and <strong>Greenland</strong>ers<br />

The Inuit<br />

<strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

2. The <strong>Museum</strong> collection<br />

3. The principles of polar clothing<br />

Qualities<br />

Air-capture principle<br />

Damp<br />

Wind<br />

4. Materials and their processing<br />

Available materials<br />

Processing<br />

Seal skin<br />

Bird skin<br />

Intestines<br />

Beads<br />

5. The manufacture of clothing<br />

Sewing kits and sewing<br />

The woman’s knife<br />

Needles<br />

Sinew thread, nylon and dental floss<br />

Stitches<br />

Design of garments<br />

Fur<br />

Trimming of the edges<br />

Symbolism<br />

6. The traditional clothing of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

Traditional clothing<br />

Men<br />

Man’s coat: anorak<br />

Under garments: naatsit<br />

Footwear: kamiit<br />

Other elements of clothing and appearance<br />

Cap: nasaq<br />

Snow goggles : inniikkilaq<br />

Women<br />

Woman’s coat: amaat<br />

Under trousers and over trousers<br />

Footwear<br />

Hairstyle and finery<br />

Children<br />

Special clothing<br />

Kayak anoraks<br />

Kayak anorak made <strong>from</strong> intestines: ikkiaq<br />

Leather kayak anorak:qaajarsiit<br />

Kayak mittens: maattaalit<br />

Whaling suit: qartiipasalik<br />

7. The development of polar clothing<br />

The function of clothes<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> as expression of identity<br />

Festive clothing<br />

Change<br />

Glossary<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

2


Bibliography<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

3


1. <strong>Greenland</strong> and <strong>Greenland</strong>ers<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

<strong>Greenland</strong>, the world’s largest island, is covered to a depth of three kilometres with a thick ice<br />

cap. The region is inhospitable, vast and empty. The winter lasts six to eight months. The<br />

temperature sometimes drops as low as minus fifty degrees Celsius, and in mid-winter the sun<br />

never appears above the horizon. During the brief summers the sun never sets at night. Ice and<br />

snowmelt, and the temperature can reach as high as ten degrees Celsius. Habitation is only<br />

possible along the forty thousand kilometres of coastline. Here live some 57, 000 <strong>Greenland</strong>ers,<br />

or Kalaallit, as they call themselves.<br />

The Inuit<br />

The best-known inhabitants of the entire arctic region - including <strong>Greenland</strong> - are the Inuit. 1<br />

There are a large number of regional subcultures within the enormous Inuit distribution area.<br />

These peoples have adapted to their specific, local natural environments, and this adaptation has<br />

given rise to differences in the means of subsistence, language, and material culture.<br />

Nonetheless, language is a major linking factor between the various groups. From <strong>Greenland</strong> to<br />

Siberia, the Inuit speak variants of one language - Inuktitut '. There are no great mutual<br />

differences between the regional dialects of neighbouring groups, but the further the distance<br />

between groups, the greater the differences. Even though the Inuit of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> and the<br />

Inuit of Siberia share a language, they are barely able (if at all) to comprehend each others’<br />

speech. In contrast the Inuit of West <strong>Greenland</strong> and those of Alaska have less difficulty in<br />

understanding one another.<br />

<strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

<strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>ers live mainly by hunting seal, great numbers of which are found along the coast.<br />

The meat of the seals is eaten, while their skins are either sold to the trading company or used<br />

for making clothes. For hunting in the summer, the Inuit formerly used harpoons and kayaks.<br />

These days they hunt with rifles in motorboats.<br />

Before the arrival of the Europeans the <strong>Greenland</strong>ers lived a semi-nomadic existence. During the<br />

short summer they fished for salmon, and lived in skin tents close to the water. In the winter they<br />

lived spread out along the fjords in small groups, inhabiting stone houses half buried in the<br />

ground, and often built into the slope of a low hill.<br />

A winter house of this kind was constructed to keep in the heat. The entrance consisted of a low<br />

corridor, to enable the warm air (which rises because it is lighter than cold air) to be retained in<br />

the living area. More than one family lived in a house, each family having its own blubber lamp<br />

for warmth and lighting. Food was also cooked over this lamp, and a rack hung above it was<br />

used for drying clothes.<br />

The advent of the Europeans - as late as 1884 in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> - had a great influence on the<br />

Inuit way of life. <strong>Greenland</strong>ers began to sell their surplus fish to the Danish Royal <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

Trading Company, in exchange for useful objects made of iron, and for firearms, textiles, and<br />

European foodstuffs. <strong>Greenland</strong>ers gradually began to settle in permanent villages and towns,<br />

where education, health care, shops and paid work were freely available. Today, most<br />

<strong>Greenland</strong>ers live in modern wooden houses or in flats. In 1979 <strong>Greenland</strong> was granted selfgovernment,<br />

and partial independence.<br />

4


2. The <strong>Museum</strong> collection<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

The oldest items of clothing <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> held in the collection of the National <strong>Museum</strong><br />

of Ethnology (Rijksmuseum voor <strong>Volkenkunde</strong>, the RMV) date <strong>from</strong> the end of the nineteenth<br />

century. In that period <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> had only just been ‘discovered’ by the Danes, and the<br />

garments collected at that time had therefore not yet been influenced by contact with Europeans.<br />

These items of clothing, together with other objects of ethnographic interest, found their way into<br />

the RMV via the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Copenhagen.<br />

In the 1930s the well-known Dutch biologist and Nobel Prize winner, Niko Tinbergen, 2 lived for<br />

some time in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, in connection with his research. During his field work, he studied<br />

the behaviour of several bird species, and also collected objects of ethnographic interest, the<br />

majority of which are now to be found in the Museon in The Hague. However, Tinbergen<br />

donated an <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> kayak and two kayak anoraks to the RMV.<br />

The great breakthrough for the collection came in 1970, when Gerti Nooter 3 was appointed the<br />

RMV’s curator for North America and the arctic region. Even before Nooter’s arrival at the RMV,<br />

he conducted research and undertook long field-work expeditions. He created an unusually close<br />

relationship with a small village on the east coast of <strong>Greenland</strong>, called Tiniteqilaaq. Between 1970<br />

and 1990 Gerti Nooter made several return trips to Tiniteqilaaq, for extended visits. During this field<br />

work Nooter assembled various collections of objects <strong>from</strong> this region, consisting of implements,<br />

hunting equipment, means of transport, household goods, art, and clothing. When purchasing<br />

objects, he concentrated on items still in use at that time. However, in the course of time what had<br />

been ‘contemporary’ objects at the time of purchase, became ‘dated’ and ‘historic’ for the museum<br />

itself.<br />

It is therefore important that Nooter’s successor, Cunera Buijs, still continues to carry out research<br />

on <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> <strong>from</strong> her RMV base, stimulated by a comparable interest. Objects dating <strong>from</strong><br />

the present day thus supplement the older collections. Thus changes in clothing can be traced,<br />

confirmed and demonstrated on the basis of the museum collection.<br />

5


3. The principles of polar clothing<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Just as everywhere else in the world, clothing in <strong>Greenland</strong> must have a clearly practical aim - in this<br />

case, to protect its wearer <strong>from</strong> the climatic conditions in his or her home environment. For<br />

<strong>Greenland</strong>ers, especially, this means that their clothing has to protect them against extreme cold,<br />

damp, and wind. A good knowledge and experience of the qualities and usefulness of the available<br />

materials is clearly of vital importance.<br />

Qualities<br />

In every case, polar clothing must fulfill three special technical demands:<br />

• it must provide insulation against the cold, and retain body heat;<br />

• it must exclude external sources of moisture, and permit perspiration to evaporate;<br />

• it must protect the wearer against the wind.<br />

Air-capture principle<br />

In polar clothing, the ‘air-capture principle’ (the retention of warm air) is extremely important. The<br />

air inside the clothing is warmed by the wearer’s own body. It is essential to prevent this warm air<br />

<strong>from</strong> escaping.<br />

The clothing worn immediately next to the bare skin is always loose. Fur garments are worn with the<br />

hair inside. The space between the body and the clothing is filled with an insulating layer of air, which<br />

also ensures evaporation of the body’s humidity. Over these undergarments there is a second layer<br />

of fur clothing, the outer garments. This time the fur is worn outside. Between the two layers of fur<br />

there remains a small, insulating space, also filled with air.<br />

The design of the clothing also has a role to play in insulating the wearer’s body. Thus a closed jacket<br />

without a front fastening retains heat better than an open jacket. A hood attached to a jacket has<br />

much the same effect. 4 The length and shape of the garments also contributes to their effectiveness;<br />

long coats retain the warm air as in a tube. 5<br />

Damp<br />

The way in which the problem of dampness is tackled is just as important as insulation against the<br />

cold. 6 We can distinguish between two sources of wet coming <strong>from</strong> outside (snow, ice, water) and<br />

that produced within, in the form of perspiration.<br />

The Inuit of <strong>Greenland</strong> live with snow, ice and water virtually the whole year round, and in many<br />

situations. In order to avoid being troubled by these, the Inuit have developed suitable clothing.<br />

Especially when they are in direct contact with water, as when hunting, or on sledge journeys, the<br />

easy, rapid removal of humidity is essential for keeping the body dry. The Inuit’s clothing is therefore<br />

constructed not only to retain warm air, but also to permit ventilation. When the wearer becomes<br />

overheated, pushing back the jacket hood allows the warm air to escape through the neck.<br />

Apart <strong>from</strong> perspiration, the problem of dampness also derives <strong>from</strong> the constant, if usually invisible<br />

humidity produced by the skin. This second kind of bodily humidity becomes visible in temperatures<br />

of minus thirty to forty degrees Celsius. At these temperatures a small cloud of steam forms round<br />

the palm of the hand, one of the warmest parts of the body. In extremely severe temperatures, such<br />

as minus fifty degrees Celsius, this steam actually freezes.<br />

Wind<br />

Fierce wind, sometimes combined with cold and other climatic features, can have the result of<br />

increasing the degree of cold experienced. While the actual temperature might, by itself, still be<br />

bearable, the wind ensures that the effect of the temperature is more severe and unpleasant. This<br />

is called the wind-chill factor, and necessitates protection against the wind. In addition to the use of<br />

wind-proof materials, such as fur and leather, the design used for clothing is also of great<br />

importance. Thus a closed coat, without a front fastening, is perfectly windproof.<br />

6


4. Materials and their processing<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Before contact with Europeans, the traditional style of clothing among polar peoples was closely<br />

linked with local natural conditions, and with the economic structure of the society. The circumstances<br />

of everyday life determined, for example, the choice of material <strong>from</strong> which the clothing was made.<br />

Available materials<br />

Until well into the twentieth century in <strong>Greenland</strong>, practically the only available materials for clothing<br />

were animals’ skins and intestines. The materials most often used were fur and leather. The hairs<br />

of the fur are hollow and contain air, which has an insulating effect. Fur without pigment, as in the<br />

case of the polar bear’s white pelt, contains more air than other kinds of furs, because the empty<br />

space in the hairs (normally containing pigment) is also filled with air. For this reason clothing made<br />

of polar-bear fur is the warmest. It is not only the structure of the fur which makes it so warm. The<br />

length of the hairs and thickness of the pelt also play their part. Seal fur is shorthaired and less<br />

warm, but conversely it is waterproof, and it is also easier to remove the hairs for making leather.<br />

Processing<br />

The main aim in processing skins is to clean them and remove all traces of flesh, so that they do not<br />

rot. The skin consists of two layers: the epidermis or top skin, beneath which is the dermis, also know<br />

as corium, or leather skin. Below this is a layer of fat. In the bottom-most layer of the epidermis are<br />

the cells that produce pigment. During the processing of the skins, the layer of fat and the dermis<br />

are usually removed. The hair is also usually removed when skins are made into leather.<br />

Sealskin<br />

Seal skins are usually processed by the women of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>. The men go hunting for seal in<br />

both the summer and winter. The women and children, who remain behind in the village, can see<br />

<strong>from</strong> a distance whether or not the returning men have caught any seals. When they have, it is a<br />

happy day for the families since it means that there will be food for everyone.<br />

A good wife will hurry to her husband’s landing place, and help him to drag the seal he has caught<br />

to their house. Then she begins to flense the seal, i.e., to cut it up and skin it, and to process the<br />

sealskin. She lays the skin on her scraping board, the qapiarpik. She scrapes the fat away <strong>from</strong> the<br />

back of the skin with hard strokes of her woman’s knife.<br />

The subsequent stages in processing seal skins involve heavy and time-consuming work, consisting<br />

of several rinsings in soapsuds (in earlier times, urine was used). Women then have to stretch the<br />

skins and dry them, several times. Stretching the skin makes it supple. Inuit women formerly chewed<br />

the skins to make them supple, but in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> this is no longer done today. It is only the very<br />

worn teeth of some of the older women that reminds us of this former custom. When the seal skins<br />

have been processed the hunter or his wife sells them to the trading company. The couple keep only<br />

a few of the skins for their own use, for making mittens, slippers, boots and bags.<br />

There are several different kinds of seal, each producing a different kind of fur and leather. The<br />

Bearded Seal (Erignathus barbatus) for example, is a large seal with thick, tough skin that is<br />

eminently suitable for making boot soles. The Inuit have a great number of different names for the<br />

kinds and qualities of skin, distinguishing both species and ages of the seals.<br />

Bird skin<br />

<strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>ers, like most of the peoples in the Arctic region, use bird skins for making under<br />

garments. The processing of bird skins repeats, to a large extent, the method of working seal skins.<br />

The main treatments include washing the skins, scraping them free of fat and remnants of flesh,<br />

tanning with soapsuds (with urine, in former times), and drying them. Some thirty skins <strong>from</strong> adult<br />

eider ducks were needed to make woman’s coat, while a man’s coat needed approximately twentyfive<br />

skins. A child’s coat was made <strong>from</strong> eight to fourteen skins, depending on the child’s age.<br />

Intestines<br />

The idea of garments made <strong>from</strong> animal intestines seems even stranger than clothing made of bird<br />

skins. Yet it is possible to treat the intestines <strong>from</strong> sea and land mammals in such a way that clothes<br />

can be made <strong>from</strong> them. A coat made <strong>from</strong> gut skin formed a major element in clothing for use in<br />

the kayak, since the material is waterproof. For this purpose the Inuit of <strong>Greenland</strong> used the<br />

intestines various species of seal.<br />

7


<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

The preparation of the intestines involved considerable work. First the women had to squeeze the<br />

remains of faeces out of the guts. Next, they scraped the outsides clean. They then soaked the<br />

intestines in water to clean the insides thoroughly. After allowing the water to run out, the women<br />

blew up the intestines and spread them out on the ground to dry. Blowing up the intestines<br />

demanded a strenuous effort, given that the large intestine of a walrus, for example, could measure<br />

twenty-three metres.<br />

Beads<br />

The name for ‘bead’ in the speech of <strong>Greenland</strong> is Saparngaq 7 , a word deriving <strong>from</strong> an old Inuit<br />

word. Beads of various kinds and sizes were worked into <strong>Greenland</strong> clothing. Whereas fur, leather,<br />

feathers, sinew, intestines and so on, were - and are - functional by their very nature for clothing,<br />

beads have usually had only one purpose, ornamentation for people and/or their clothing.<br />

In <strong>Greenland</strong> the use of beads reached its temporary peak in the large and very colourful collar,<br />

(shoulder covering, yoke) worn as part of the kalaallisut, the ‘Sunday suit’, which today constitutes<br />

the national women’s costume in <strong>Greenland</strong>. This collar, which now reaches beyond the wearer’s<br />

elbows, originated in the modest decoration characterising women’s everyday clothing in an earlier<br />

era. The fact that these collars are today so large and colourful, while in earlier times they were<br />

considerably smaller, narrower and more sober, is closely connected with the availability of beads.<br />

Until long after the advent of the first Europeans at the end of the eighteenth century, <strong>Greenland</strong>ers<br />

made their own beads <strong>from</strong> materials obtainable <strong>from</strong> their own surroundings, for example bone,<br />

ivory, wood, or stone. 8 Bone and ivory beads were the most common. The Inuit also sawed and<br />

filed small angular beads <strong>from</strong> the vertebrae of the ammassak, 9 a small fish caught off the coast of<br />

<strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>. These were threaded on narrow leather thongs to wear as a necklace. 10 Another<br />

common kind of bead was made <strong>from</strong> the teeth 11 of game animals, small and large, such as<br />

rodents, seals, narwhals, polar bears, or even some kinds of whale. 12<br />

All these beads could be used for decorating clothing. Beads were - and still are - often sewn to<br />

places where mosaics of fur or leather mosaics were formerly applied. The beads are arranged in<br />

geometric patterns composed of different colours. Beads were also formerly made into women’s<br />

jewellery, such as earrings, and into men’s chest amulets.<br />

It was only after the arrival of the first Europeans, and the Danish colonisation of <strong>Greenland</strong>, that<br />

the Inuit began to obtain a larger assortment of beads. The traditional materials continued in use,<br />

but beads made of glass and artificial materials also made their appearance. 13 In the beginning the<br />

whalers, and later the Danish Royal <strong>Greenland</strong> Trading Company 14 , also played a significant role in<br />

the distribution of these beads.<br />

Although these imported beads have never been cheap to buy, slowly but surely they have come to<br />

constitute a considerable part of the most colourful costume that women, throughout <strong>Greenland</strong>,<br />

wear on festive occasions - the national dress.<br />

8


5. The manufacture of clothing<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

The making of clothing was once a task traditionally performed by women in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>.<br />

Besides knowledge of the materials used and the methods of processing them, transmitted <strong>from</strong><br />

generation to generation, the women also used a number of implements that made it possible to<br />

produce garments <strong>from</strong> these materials.<br />

Sewing kits and sewing<br />

The sewing kit of the <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> Inuit consisted of the sakkeq or ulu - the traditional woman’s<br />

knife - and the needle and awl, thimble and needlecase. The traditional sewing kit also contained<br />

sinews for making thread, and small pieces of fur for carrying out repairs. The implements were<br />

stored in a bag made of fur or leather, or in a pouch of fur or bird skin.<br />

Generally speaking, this kind of sewing kit is found throughout the entire circumpolar region, and not<br />

just in <strong>Greenland</strong>.<br />

The woman’s knife<br />

The sakkeq or ulu is the most characteristic article found among the Inuit woman’s sewing<br />

implements. The knife was developed centuries ago <strong>from</strong> the blades of iron saws, obtained <strong>from</strong><br />

Dutch whalers. Women’s knives were originally made of bone and stone.<br />

Needles<br />

Until the beginning of trade with European whalers and colonists, women in <strong>Greenland</strong> used only<br />

needles made of bone or ivory. After the arrival of Europeans, iron needles were introduced. The<br />

women of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> usually stuck them into a triangular piece of leather.<br />

Sinew thread, nylon, and dental floss<br />

For thread, the Inuit originally used only sinews, taken <strong>from</strong> narwhal or seals, for example. This<br />

sinew thread has a very special characteristic: it swells when wet. Garments sewn with sinew thread<br />

are waterproof along the seams, since when the thread swells with water it fills up the holes left by<br />

the sewing needle. Thus for a long time women preferred to use sinew thread, rather than nylon.<br />

15 Ultimately, however, nylon sewing thread and yarn replaced sinew thread. A major cause of this<br />

was its ease of use and the ready availability of artificial yarns, in comparison with the difficulty of<br />

preparing sinew thread and working with it. Nowadays, sewing with dental floss is also popular in<br />

<strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, since this material is very strong, sticky, and pleasant to use. It is used especially<br />

for sewing seal-skin boots.<br />

Stitches<br />

Many different stitches were used in sewing clothes. For sewing garments that had to be waterproof,<br />

the Inuit ensured that the needle did not penetrate completely through both layers of leather. The<br />

second layer was only sewn to the surface of the first, the needle in other words not passing all the<br />

way through both layers. This ensured that the outermost layer remained intact, without holes and<br />

therefore waterproof. This method of sewing was repeated <strong>from</strong> the other side. The needle was<br />

never pushed through both layers at the same time.<br />

Function and aesthetics were often combined, something that can be seen, for example, in the<br />

clothing of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, in which the seams are trimmed with a strip of leather of a different<br />

colour. The effect is very decorative, and at the same time the seams are rendered more wind-proof,<br />

stronger and more durable. Good seamstresses use small stitches in their sewing, which prevent<br />

gaps in the seam, thus making the garment more wind-proof.<br />

Designs of garments<br />

Closed coats, which have to be pulled on over the wearer’s head, offer better protection against the<br />

cold, at least in principle. A good adaptation for protection against cold is also found in hoods and<br />

mittens permanently attached to the coat, and trousers with footwear sewn to the bottom of the<br />

legs, as found in Siberia.<br />

Moreover, it is of course practicable to profit as much as possible <strong>from</strong> the original shape of an<br />

animal skin, for covering the human body. The simplest way of doing this is to make an opening in<br />

9


<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

the middle of the skin for the wearer’s head, producing a poncho effect. It is also possible to use one<br />

whole skin for the front part of a garment, and a second for the back.<br />

Fur<br />

Generally speaking, garments are put together according to the nap - the direction in which the fur<br />

hairs run. The hairs usually face downwards so that rain and snow slide downwards on a fur coat or<br />

an anorak, and are thus easily got rid of.<br />

In some cases it may be useful to deviate <strong>from</strong> this principle, as in the case of the Inuit woman’s<br />

amaat. 16 The inside of the front of the amaat is often made in such a way that the fur hairs do not<br />

point downwards, in the usual way, but upwards. This ensures that the weight of the child’s body<br />

inside the amaat does not cause the amaat to ride up. Conversely, inside the hood, and on the broad<br />

back panel, the nap of the fur points downwards, which makes it softer for the child, and less<br />

irritating.<br />

Trimming of the edges<br />

Often an edge or seam is trimmed with fur, but also with other materials such as cotton and wool.<br />

Edgings of this kind are added to prevent the border <strong>from</strong> curling up, but also as decoration.<br />

Fur garments often have a fur edging on the cuffs, which can be turned outwards. In order to display<br />

the beautiful fur, the edging is set back to front into the sleeve (i.e., with the hair inside). When the<br />

sleeve is turned back, the hair side shows. The colour giving the greatest contrast provides the most<br />

decorative effect.<br />

Symbolism<br />

The use of animal skin, however, is not only determined by practical considerations. It also has a<br />

symbolic meaning. Animal skins protect the human wearer’s body just as they protect their original<br />

animal owners. The skin <strong>from</strong> an animal’s head is often used for the cap; the pelt <strong>from</strong> the animal’s<br />

back is turned into the back panel and the shoulders of a garment; the trousers are made <strong>from</strong> the<br />

pelt on the animal’s hind quarters’ and the tough skin taken <strong>from</strong> animals’ legs is used for making<br />

boots. These characteristics of clothing can be regarded as symbolising the link between humans and<br />

animals. Many of the peoples inhabiting the Arctic region use animal symbolism in their clothing. The<br />

tails on the Inuit’s coat are a good example of this.<br />

10


6. The traditional clothing of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Generally speaking, the people of each community and region make their clothing with one or more<br />

specific aims in mind. They use the materials available in their local environment, and we may thus<br />

assume that the longer the isolation of a particular community, the greater the individuality shown<br />

by the clothing. This has certainly been true of the Inuit of West and <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, prior to those<br />

times in the past when they came increasingly to be confronted by Europeans. In West <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

this occurred as early as the second half of the eighteenth century. 17 <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, however,<br />

remained isolated until the end of the nineteenth century, and thus free of outside influences.<br />

The end of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>’s isolation came in 1884, when a Danish expedition led by Lieutenant<br />

Gustav Holm 18 explored the east coast of <strong>Greenland</strong>. From that moment on a great many new<br />

ideas, materials and customs began, slowly but surely, to penetrate <strong>Greenland</strong> society. Where<br />

clothing is concerned, changes began to become clearly visible.<br />

Traditional clothing<br />

The arrival of Holm’s expedition, certainly, constituted a kind of beginning for changes in <strong>East</strong><br />

<strong>Greenland</strong> society. Nevertheless, there was still no abrupt or radical break with the past. Change<br />

came only gradually to affect the garments worn by the Inuit in the various settlements Holm visited<br />

along the coast of <strong>Greenland</strong>. Until far into the twentieth century, researchers and visitors in <strong>East</strong><br />

<strong>Greenland</strong> could see the Inuit making, wearing and using traditional clothing they had developed over<br />

the previous centuries to suit their living conditions.<br />

Reports written by Holm and other researchers provide us with an image of traditional garments and<br />

bodily ornamentation among the men, women and children of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, such as that given<br />

below.<br />

Men<br />

When Holm arrived in Ammassalik 19 in 1884, he found that the men of the settlement usually wore<br />

the following clothes.<br />

Men’s coat: anorak<br />

For most of the year and in most circumstances, the men wore the anorak as a coat and outer<br />

garment. This is a closed coat pulled on over the wearer’s head. Under this outer garment a second<br />

anorak - the inner anorak - was worn directly in contact with the upper part of the body.<br />

The anorak was cut wide over the chest so that the front and back panels provided ample room, in<br />

very cold weather, for the arms to be drawn inside and warmed next to the wearer’s skin. The width<br />

also ensured maximum freedom of movement for throwing the harpoon during the hunt.<br />

The outer anoraks were often made <strong>from</strong> seal fur or polar-bear fur, and were usually worn with the<br />

fur side turned outwards. An inner anorak could also be made of fox fur, or birds’ feathers, with a<br />

thin anorak of seal skin or intestine worn over it. In periods of extreme cold an extra anorak could<br />

also be worn over the outer anorak, with the fur turned outwards. The edges were trimmed with<br />

strips of fur taken <strong>from</strong> polar bear, dog, or young seal. The seams were often finished decoratively<br />

with seal leather.<br />

Waterproof anoraks made <strong>from</strong> intestines were worn in bad weather. Men in their kayaks might also<br />

wear extra, waterproof kayak anoraks made of leather, often decorated with ivory beads.<br />

Under garments: naatsit<br />

The only undergarment the Inuit wore next to the bare skin, was the pair of short breeches, the<br />

naatsit. These breeches were made of seal fur with the fur turned outside. This item of clothing was<br />

often decorated with small pieces of fur in different colours.<br />

When weather conditions permitted, the naatsit was often the only garment worn, both in the home<br />

and outside in the settlement. There does seem to have been a taboo against walking around<br />

outside the home only in shorts. As soon as the Inuit men left their own settlement, they put on a<br />

pair of long trousers made of seal or polar-bear fur.<br />

Footwear: kamiit<br />

Men’s footwear mostly consisted of the kamiit, boots made <strong>from</strong> seal fur. These kamiit usually came<br />

above the wearer’s knee, and consisted of an inner boot or sock with the hair turned inwards, and<br />

11


<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

an outer boot made of leather. The outer boot was rendered waterproof with seal oil. In the winter<br />

men wore similar boots, but - as in the case of the anorak - with the fur turned outwards. There<br />

were overshoes made polar-bear fur.<br />

In summer, men also wore short boots made <strong>from</strong> softened seal leather, decorated with a beautiful<br />

mosaic made with differently coloured strips of leather. Like present-day men’s boots for festive<br />

wear, these came halfway up the shin.<br />

Other elements of clothing and appearance<br />

The cap: nasaq<br />

In summer, men often wore caps made of arctic-fox fur, with the animal’s long tail hanging down<br />

behind.<br />

Snow goggles: inniikkilaq<br />

Even in summer, eye shades were worn to protect the wearer against strong reflections and sunlight.<br />

In the winter a pair of snow goggles made <strong>from</strong> wood were more effective for circumstances in<br />

which hunters had to cope with sun reflected on ice. A pair of snow goggles curved around the eyes,<br />

and had small slits for the hunter to see through.<br />

Men wore their hair long, keeping it in place with a hairband made of beads or, more commonly,<br />

made <strong>from</strong> the vertebrae of a kind of small fish, the angmassat (Capelin).<br />

A man wore a chain or strap made of leather on his chest, to which amulets were attached. Amulets<br />

were also fixed to an arm band worn round the upper arm. Amulets were made <strong>from</strong> small pieces<br />

of driftwood, and often took a human form. They were worn to ensure a long life, or success in the<br />

hunt.<br />

Women<br />

Woman’s coat: amaat<br />

In former times, the Inuit woman wore an amaat, a coat made of seal leather or fur, with an extrabroad<br />

back panel, and an enlarged hood in which a baby could be carried. A long cord was fixed to<br />

the front of the amaat, and this was drawn tight under the baby, round to the front again, before<br />

being fastened. This served to keep the child safely in place.<br />

The amaat derives its name <strong>from</strong> the verb ‘to carry’ in Inuktitut, the language of the Inuit. An amaat<br />

is both a woman’s coat, a baby sling, and a cradle, all at the same time. Just as often occurs among<br />

the Inuit, several functions are united in one object. The amaat not only kept the mother warm but<br />

- more important still - the baby as well.<br />

The amaat was a symbol of fertility, and was worn by women with young children. A child was<br />

carried in the amaat until it was one or even two years old. If a subsequent baby was born before<br />

the first was two years old, the older brother or sister simply had to give up its place inside the<br />

amaat. Women without children wore a coat very similar to the man’s anorak, including a tight hood<br />

with a small point. 20<br />

The amaat often had a little tail at the front and back, somewhat longer than the one found on the<br />

man’s coat. The amaat is also made <strong>from</strong> two layers of fur or leather, the inner amaat with the fur<br />

inside, 21 and the outer amaat with the fur outside. Sometimes the outer amaat consists of softened,<br />

tanned seal skin. Just like the anorak, the man’s amaat was decorated with strips of white leather<br />

along the seams.<br />

The inside of the front panel was often constructed in such a way that the fur hairs pointed upwards,<br />

rather than downwards as they usually did. This prevented the amaat <strong>from</strong> riding up the mother’s<br />

body with the weight of the child carried in the hood. Inside the hood, and in the wide back panel,<br />

the nap of the fur was directed downwards so that it was softer and more comfortable for the child,<br />

and did not irritate its skin.<br />

In winter an outer amaat was worn over the inner amaat, and there were sometimes two layers of<br />

fur, which permitted an insulating layer of air between. Without a front fastening to the garment,<br />

the warm air could not escape. There was circulation of air on the mother’s back, between her<br />

shoulder blades and working upwards, so that she was able to regulate it via the hood. If she, or the<br />

child, was too warm, the mother would throw back the hood, allowing the child to look out over her<br />

shoulder. An advantage of the wide hood was not only that it gave space for the child’s head inside,<br />

allowing it to look out at the world. The wide hood also allowed sufficient fresh air to reach the baby<br />

when it was sitting deeper down in the amaat, on its mother’s back.<br />

12


<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Under trousers and over trousers<br />

Women also wore the naatsit, the pair of short breeches. Over these they wore a small pair of overtrousers,<br />

much shorter than the man’s. Between boots and trousers the thighs were partly<br />

uncovered. The bare parts of women’s thighs often had a darker colouration than the rest of their<br />

bodies, resulting <strong>from</strong> light frostbite and <strong>from</strong> sunlight. Fortunately, women spent most of their time<br />

indoors, sitting on the house platform. The design for this short pair of women’s trousers<br />

consequently appears to owe something both to fashion and to practical adaptation to conditions.<br />

22<br />

Footwear<br />

Women’s boots were usually longer than the men’s, always reaching to above the knee. The boots<br />

were slightly shorter on the front of the knee, and were split there in the shape of an bracket. The<br />

upper edge was often trimmed with fur.<br />

Hair style and finery<br />

Women wore their long hair piled on top of the head, fastened with a hair ornament made of beads<br />

and cotton. Sometimes amulets were worn in the hair, and amulets were also often worn on the<br />

inside of the tail attached to the front of the amaat, or (as in the case of men) to a band on the<br />

upper arm. A woman often wore a necklace in the form of a string of beads, <strong>from</strong> which a large<br />

number of shorter bead strings hung down over the breast. Women also often wore the naatsit<br />

inside the house, together with the hair ornament and a necklace.<br />

Many women were tattooed on their faces, arms, legs and upper bodies. Tattooed women were<br />

considered beautiful, and were also believed to go the kingdom of the dead (i.e., heaven) after<br />

death, just like great hunters, and women who had borne many sons. Unsuccessful hunters and<br />

women without tattoos ended in the underworld after death. Tattooing was also linked with the<br />

production of children - tattooed women were believed to suffer less pain in childbirth. This belief<br />

may have been connected with the fact that the application of the tattoo, using needles and soot for<br />

the black colouring, was a painful experience.<br />

Children<br />

For the child’s first two months of life, it wore no clothes, but was carried inside its mother’s amaat.<br />

Its first garment was little more than an anorak resembling a dress. Once the child became too large<br />

for the amaat, a pair of pants, and boots were made for it. The five-to-seven-year-olds began to<br />

wear garments that, to a certain extent, imitated adults’ clothing.<br />

For example, little girls wore amaats made to their size. Boys’ clothing consisted of a simpler and<br />

smaller version of the adult men’s clothes. When children reached puberty the shorts - the naatsit<br />

- became a necessary item of wear.<br />

Special clothing<br />

The Inuit of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> had various garments for wear in special circumstances, or on special<br />

occasions, or for special activities.<br />

Kayak anorak made <strong>from</strong> intestines: ikkiaq<br />

An ikkiaq is a waterproof, hooded anorak formerly worn by Inuit hunters in their kayaks. These kayak<br />

anoraks were made <strong>from</strong> strips of gut skin sewn together. Gut skin is waterproof, and is thus<br />

especially suited for use in the kayak, and also in any damp or wet weather. By the end of the<br />

nineteenth century in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, jackets of this kind were especially worn by the men, but some<br />

women also wore them.<br />

In <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> the ikkiaq was often decorated with narrow strips of depilitated black seal skin.<br />

The hood was joined to the back panel, rather than consisting of a separate piece. At the front, the<br />

hood was closed with a short seam under the chin. The shoulder pieces were set in separately,<br />

reaching to the shoulder blades at the back, and ending in two narrow bands.<br />

Leather kayak anorak: qaajarsiit<br />

Between 1884 and 1900 in the Ammassalik region, another type of kayak anorak was worn - the<br />

qaajarsiit. This anorak, made of dark-coloured seal leather, was sometimes worn over the gut-skin<br />

anorak. This leather was rendered waterproof with seal oil. The anorak was often beautifully<br />

decorated with leather strips along the seams, and with beads made of bone. Small leather thongs,<br />

which could be pulled tight, were threaded through the seam on the bottom edge of the garment,<br />

through the seams at the bottom of the sleeves, and through the hood seam. The thongs were<br />

drawn so tightly that no water could penetrate the hood or sleeves. The bottom of the anorak was<br />

13


<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

tied fast to the opening of the kayak with a leather strap, so that no water could get into the<br />

hunter’s clothing or into the kayak itself. This allowed the hunter to turn right over in his kayak,<br />

finishing the right way up on the water without shipping any. (The Dutch have created an active verb<br />

for this: ‘Eskimoteren’ - ‘to rotate like an Eskimo’!)<br />

On the back panel of the anorak there were two small leather thongs, which came over the<br />

shoulders to meet in the middle of the front panel. There, they could be drawn tight in such a way<br />

that the anorak was slightly pulled up. This made sure that no water could be left in the bottom of<br />

the kayak anorak. At the back of the hood, two leather thongs with bone beads could be drawn<br />

tight, to fasten the hood securely to the head, thus ensuring that the hunter did not peer into the<br />

back of his own hood when he looked behind him.<br />

At the end of the nineteenth century there was a third type of kayak anorak in use, made of white,<br />

bleached leather at the top, and of dark-coloured, waterproof leather at the bottom. There were<br />

marked similarities between the use of this anorak and the use of the dark-leather kind.<br />

These days, a kayak anorak is regarded in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> as typical men’s wear. However, this<br />

anorak is no longer worn at the moment. The first garment to disappear <strong>from</strong> use was the anorak<br />

made <strong>from</strong> intestines, which was completely replaced by the leather anorak. Later on, at the end<br />

of the 1960s, leather anoraks also disappeared, but some hunters still wore them on festive<br />

occasions, as they did when the Queen of Denmark visited Tiniteqilaaq village in 1967. At that time,<br />

hunters were already wearing cotton anoraks in their kayaks, of a grey-green colour useful as<br />

camouflage, or else thick woollen sweaters. In wet weather nylon raincoats, or oilskins, were (and<br />

are) worn.<br />

Kayak mittens: maattaalit<br />

Together with the kayak anoraks men also wore kayak mittens, maattaalit. These mittens each had<br />

two thumbs, for a good reason. The Inuit of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> drove their kayaks forward by means<br />

of a paddle, consisting of a shaft with a blade on each side. When the hunter paddled, each blade<br />

disappeared under the water, in turn. The hunter’s mittens, which protected him against cold and<br />

damp, became wet on the palm because the water thrown up by the paddle trickled down the shaft.<br />

A wet leather mitten was heavy and cold, and in order to avoid this problem, each mitten was given<br />

two thumbs which could be used alternately. When the mitten was turned, the wet side came<br />

uppermost, and had the chance to dry out. Of course, the water on the mitten froze, but the thin<br />

layer of ice could easily be knocked off. The kayak mitten was still in use up to quite recent times.<br />

The invention and manufacture of such functional articles of clothing required a high degree of<br />

creativity. The leather whaling suit was equally functional and inventive.<br />

Whaling suit: qartiipasalik<br />

In former times the people of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> used a waterproof leather suit (qartiipasalik) while<br />

hunting whale. This was a combination of boots, trousers, sleeves, mittens, jacket and hood, all<br />

sewn together into one unit.<br />

The suit could be pulled on via a hole in the front, at waist height, then fastened with a leather<br />

thong. According to some informants, several inhabitants of the Ammassalik region were still wearing<br />

this kind of suit in 1884, <strong>from</strong> superstition. This kind of waterproof combination suit was probably not<br />

found outside <strong>Greenland</strong>.<br />

14


7. The development of polar clothing<br />

The function of clothes<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Clothes have three functions: protection, ornamentation, and the expression of identity. Which of<br />

these three functions takes priority depends on the society. In the Arctic region, protection was the<br />

chief function, particularly against the cold, yet certain items of clothing also served to protect the<br />

wearer against supernatural threats, while hunters wore camouflage when seeking their prey.<br />

The peoples of the polar region also decorated their clothing in many different ways, within limits<br />

imposed by the climate. Some items of clothing were not particularly functional with respect to the<br />

cold, but continued in use because of local aesthetic concepts. One example of this is the woman’s<br />

short trousers. Coats with attached gloves - a perfect solution to the problem of cold - are only found<br />

among the peoples of Siberia. Yet this item would also have been eminently suited to the climate<br />

of <strong>Greenland</strong>. The fact that they were missing <strong>from</strong> other areas of the region shows that cultural<br />

factors weighed more heavily than adaptation to the climate. Consequently it is incorrect to accept<br />

the natural environment as the sole explanation for the development of polar clothing. The cold<br />

experienced in such an environment is less hostile for the peoples of the region than it would be for<br />

us. They have always had, and still have, an outstanding ability to adapt themselves to their<br />

environment, and to use it for establishing a way of life.<br />

Cultural aspects are an intrinsic part of clothing, being just as important as the demands of the<br />

natural environment for the development and retention of particular items of clothing, and the<br />

development of designs and techniques.<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> as expression of identity<br />

In most societies, clothing is used to distinguish between members of different groups, and between<br />

different members of the same group. In the latter case, the distinction usually concerns age group,<br />

gender, and sometimes status (for example, that of married woman, or successful hunter). Other<br />

aspects of clothing can express ethnicity, season of the year, age, social standing, religion,<br />

occupation, and important events in a life cycle.<br />

Formerly, as now, all these aspects might be easy to comprehend <strong>from</strong> the clothing worn within a<br />

particular society. However, this is not the case in most of the cultures found within the Arctic region.<br />

Thus wealth and poverty are barely expressed in clothing, and a person’s age cannot be seen <strong>from</strong><br />

garments alone, since girls and boys usually wear the same clothes as their parents. Most of the<br />

cultures within the Arctic region were egalitarian, since there was no permanent leadership - no<br />

kings, headmen, or chieftains. There was no clear hierarchical structure, and there was little<br />

specialisation. Within each group, everyone performed the same tasks, and there were hardly any<br />

real specialists. The only division of labour was based on gender and age, the clearest role-division<br />

being that between men and women.<br />

This is not to say that all members of the society lived on an equal footing. Differences between the<br />

sexes, and between the old and the young, between hunters and non-hunters, certainly influenced<br />

one’s social position. For example, in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> a great hunter - piniartorsuaq - enjoyed great<br />

respect, and high social status. Nonetheless, this gave him no absolute authority or leadership. This<br />

may be the reason why there was very little expression of hierarchical position in clothing, and few<br />

garments for special occasions. Wealth was revealed only in the new clothes that a prosperous family<br />

could more often afford, in comparison with poor families possessing fewer seal skins.<br />

Every woman made the clothing needed for her own use, and that of her family. Because of this a<br />

collective approach developed, together with a common ‘language’ of clothing. Designs were passed<br />

on <strong>from</strong> mother to daughter, and were often connected with particular families. Within this clothing<br />

tradition there was room for individual variety, and the degree of innovation differed <strong>from</strong> region to<br />

region.<br />

At present one of the main functions of polar clothing appears to be the expression of identity.<br />

Indigenous cultures are undergoing radical change as the result of contact with ‘western’ culture. A<br />

new political organisation, as well as new technology, is being introduced. The <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

hjemmestyre - self-government - provides a clear example of this. There are political parties, including<br />

a government party and an opposition. The <strong>Greenland</strong> government takes its own decisions on a great<br />

number of matters connected with social and economic life.<br />

On official occasions the men wear a white anorak, even in the <strong>Greenland</strong> Parliament. A cotton<br />

anorak is light, supple, and very suited for indoor use, while the shape is based on that of the<br />

traditional hunter’s clothes. This garment thus emphasises the men’s identity as <strong>Greenland</strong>ers. The<br />

anorak shows clearly the difference between <strong>Greenland</strong>ers and non-<strong>Greenland</strong>ers - mostly Danes.<br />

In this way clothes can play an important role in the political battle for <strong>Greenland</strong>’s political and<br />

economic rights, and in the development and maintenance of a separate identity. This also shows<br />

15


that polar clothing is more than just a protection against the cold.<br />

Festive clothing<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

In the past many of the people of the Arctic region had no special festive clothing. They simply wore<br />

their finest or newest clothes on special occasions. These, however, were virtually the same as<br />

ordinary, everyday wear, without special significance. The lack of festive clothing derived <strong>from</strong> the<br />

social and political structure of these societies, egalitarian and without leaders. It was only after long<br />

contact with non-Inuit people that special festive wear began to be developed. This may be<br />

connected with the new materials then beginning to appear in the Arctic - beads and cotton, for<br />

example.<br />

West <strong>Greenland</strong> had a festival known as mitaartut, which had marked similarities to the <strong>East</strong><br />

<strong>Greenland</strong> traditional feast, uaajeertut. The name mitaartut derives <strong>from</strong> the West <strong>Greenland</strong> verb<br />

mitarpoq, meaning ‘to dress up’, or ‘to pull strange faces’. In <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> this feast was also<br />

celebrated in the winter, at about the same time as the Christian celebration of Twelfth Night (called<br />

the Feast of Three Kings on the Continent) on the 6 th of January. Consequently mitaartut was also<br />

named Kongepingasiit, literally ‘three kings’, although differences can be found. At this celebration<br />

grotesquely dressed figures appear, turning normal relationships upside down; men are dressed in<br />

women’s clothes, and paint their faces black and red. Just as clothes are an expression of identity,<br />

‘dressing up’ is a sign that the normal identity is temporarily being exchanged for a different one. 23<br />

Today, the Lutheran Church festivals are celebrated in both <strong>East</strong> and West <strong>Greenland</strong>. On such<br />

occasions the Inuit wear the Sunday suit (Kalaallisuut), which developed during the course of the<br />

twentieth century. This costume is worn not only on Sunday, for going to church, but also on festive<br />

occasions such as baptisms and weddings. The woman’s Sunday suit consists of a cotton anorak with<br />

a huge, colourful bead collar or yoke, shoulder covering, a pair of short seal-skin trousers decorated<br />

with leather mosaic, and long, finely finished boots. The men wear black trousers, beautifully worked<br />

black seal-skin boots, and a white cotton anorak. Today, these clothes are regarded as the national<br />

costume.<br />

Change<br />

Today, people of the Arctic region are becoming ever less dependant on their natural surroundings<br />

for their living. Changes in life style, and the use of new techniques, impose new demands on<br />

clothing. Nowadays the Inuit often have paid jobs in hospitals, schools, shops, or on trawlers working<br />

in the industrial fisheries. People often have only a short journey between home and workplace, so<br />

that there is no longer any need for two fur coats, worn one on top of the other. In properly heated<br />

houses, people usually find T shirts, sweat shirts and jeans comfortable to wear. The transition to a<br />

new life style has created new needs in the clothing area. <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>ers purchase a large<br />

proportion of their clothes in boutiques and stores, or through the post via catalogues. The extent to<br />

which this is done varies according to region. 19<br />

With the advent of new materials and new articles of clothing deriving <strong>from</strong> ‘western’ culture, age<br />

differences are now expressed more markedly in the clothes worn. Older men and women usually<br />

retain their traditional garments for longer. Thus in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> the older men, especially,<br />

continue to use their seal-skin boots (kamiit) for everyday wear, while the younger males walk<br />

around in sports shoes, wellington boots, or other ‘western’ footwear.<br />

This is not to say that traditional, indigenous clothing is disappearing <strong>from</strong> the entire polar region -<br />

on the contrary. Even in <strong>Greenland</strong>, fur garments are still made, and are still being worn by hunters,<br />

for protection during long journeys by snow scooter. Indigenous garments still compare favourably<br />

with ‘European’ clothing. Modern ‘cold weather’ garments make considerable use of synthetic<br />

materials, designed to trap as much air as possible, in the same way as fur. This kind of clothing is<br />

made <strong>from</strong> thin layers, each of which permits the transfer of perspiration to the next layer. In this<br />

way perspiration collects in the outermost layer, which has the best chance of drying out. Generally<br />

speaking, synthetic materials have a rapid drying rate. The Inuit also buy modern polar clothing of<br />

this kind. Only in extremely cold areas, such as North <strong>Greenland</strong>, are fur garments still preferred,<br />

since they still appear to provide the greatest degree of insulation. Indigenous clothing is increasingly<br />

worn as festive dress, and as the expression of the <strong>Greenland</strong>er’s identity.<br />

16


GLOSSARY<br />

Amaat (plural amaati)<br />

Woman’s coat with hood, and wide back panel for carrying a child.<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Ammassak (plural ammassat)<br />

Small fish (Capelin, Mallotus villasus). The neck vertebrae are used as beads.<br />

Angilertaat<br />

Large beads.<br />

Anorak (<strong>East</strong>-<strong>Greenland</strong>: annangraaq)<br />

Jacket with hood, without front fastening. This garment is pulled on over the wearer’s head.<br />

Hjemmestyre<br />

<strong>Greenland</strong>’s home government.<br />

Ikkiaq<br />

Waterproof kayak anorak made <strong>from</strong> gut skin.<br />

Innikkilaq<br />

Snow goggles.<br />

Kalaallisuut<br />

Sunday suit worn in <strong>East</strong> and West <strong>Greenland</strong>; women’s national costume.<br />

Kamiit (singular kamik)<br />

Boots made of seal fur, sewn with sinew thread; found among all the Inuit.<br />

Kayak (<strong>East</strong>-<strong>Greenland</strong>: saqqit)<br />

A one-person boat, driven with a paddle. Found throughout the entire Arctic region.<br />

Kiliilarnaq<br />

Bone or aluminium scraper used in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> for removing the last traces of fat <strong>from</strong> seal skin.<br />

Kongepingasiit<br />

Twelfth Night (Feast of the Three Kings) in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>.<br />

Maattaalit<br />

Leather mittens. In <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, Maattaalit with two thumbs are used in the kayak.<br />

Mattak<br />

The skin and fat of the whale, regarded as a delicacy in <strong>Greenland</strong>.<br />

Mitaartut<br />

Festival in West <strong>Greenland</strong>. Shows marked similarities to the <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> festival of Uaajeertut.<br />

Naatsit<br />

Underpants, worn by both men and women.<br />

Nasaq<br />

Cap.<br />

Parka<br />

Coat with hood. This is found in many variations, long and short, throughout the entire Arctic region,<br />

and is worn by both men and women. In <strong>Greenland</strong> this garment is called an anorak.<br />

Piniartorsuaq<br />

Great hunter.<br />

Qaajarsiit<br />

Waterproof kayak anorak made <strong>from</strong> seal leather. In the Ammasalik region this was sometimes<br />

17


worn over the anorak made <strong>from</strong> gut skin.<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Qapiarpik<br />

Board over which the seal skin is stretched while being scraped free of fat.<br />

Qartiipasalik<br />

Leather whaling suit <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>. The suit consisted of boots, trousers, jacket, mittens and<br />

hood, all sewn together.<br />

Sakkeq<br />

Woman’s knife <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>. The West <strong>Greenland</strong> women’s knife, the ulu, is better known.<br />

Saparngaq<br />

Beads.<br />

Sikkulaarqat<br />

Small round beads.<br />

Suluarpalaat<br />

Small cylindrical beads.<br />

Ulu<br />

Curved woman’s knife <strong>from</strong> West <strong>Greenland</strong>. This is used for all household tasks, including the<br />

skinning of seals and scraping the fat <strong>from</strong> their skins.<br />

Uaajeertut<br />

Festival in <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, no longer celebrated. Aspects of this festival are to be found in the<br />

Twelfth Night (Three Kings) festival - Kongepingasiit and Mitaartut.<br />

18


Bibliography<br />

Some of the sources consulted which are of interest here:<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Barnes, Ruth and Joanne B. Eicher (eds.)<br />

1991 Dress and Gender, Making and Meaning. Providence / Oxford.<br />

Barthes, R.<br />

1983 The fashion system. (Transl. M. Ward, R. Howard. Original 1967). New York.<br />

Birket-Smith, K.<br />

1948 Eskimoerne. Rhodos.<br />

Buijs, Cunera<br />

1994 Kleding van Oost-Groenland in ontwikkeling. Yumtzilob 5,4: 315-352.<br />

1999 Developments in <strong>Clothing</strong> and Identity in <strong>Greenland</strong>. In: Jarich Oosten en Cornelius Remie<br />

(eds.), Arctic Identities, Continuity and Change in Inuit and Saami Societies. Leiden:<br />

Research School CNWS, School of Asian, African and Amerindian Studies. CNWS<br />

Publications. pp. 145-173.<br />

Buijs, C. and G.M. Vogelsang-<strong>East</strong>wood<br />

1993 Patterns for: Arctic <strong>Clothing</strong>. Textile Research Centre: Leiden.<br />

Buijs, Cunera and Jarich Oosten (eds.)<br />

1997 Braving the Cold, Continuity and Change in Arctic <strong>Clothing</strong>. Leiden: Research School CNWS.<br />

Driscolle, B.<br />

1980 The Inuit amautik. I Like my hood to be Jull. Winnipeq.<br />

Eicher, Joanne B. (ed.)<br />

1995 Dress and Ethnicity Change Across Space and Time. Oxford: Berg.<br />

Gessain, R.<br />

1969 Ammassalik, ou la civilization obligatoire. Paris.<br />

1984 Dance masks of Ammassalik. Arctic Anthropology 21,2: 81-107<br />

Graah, W.A.<br />

1837 Narrative of an Expedition to the east coast of <strong>Greenland</strong> etc. John W. Parker: London.<br />

Graburn, N .H.H.<br />

1973 Circumpolar peoples: an anthropological perspective. Pacific Palisades, California.<br />

Gulløv, H.C.<br />

1985 Whales, whalers and Eskimos: the impact of European whaling on the demography and<br />

economy of Eskimo society in West <strong>Greenland</strong>. In: Cultures in contact, W.W. Fitzhugh<br />

(ed.). Washinton, Londond: Smithsonian Institution Press. pp 71-99.<br />

Gustav Holm Samlingen.<br />

1985 Genstande insamlet på konebåds-ekspeditionen til Ammassalik 1883-85. Nuuk,<br />

Kopenhagen.<br />

Hansen, K.<br />

1979 Perler i Grønland. Kopenhagen.<br />

Hatt, G.<br />

1969 Arctic skin clothing in Eurasia and<br />

America, an ethnographic study. Arctic Anthropology 5,2: 3-132.<br />

19


<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Holm, G.<br />

1914 Ethnological sketch of the Angmagsalik Eskimo. In: The Ammassalik Eskimo, W. Thalbitzer<br />

(ed.). (Meddelelser om Grønland 39). Kopenhagen: 1-148.<br />

Huntfort, R.<br />

1988 Amundsen's poolexpedities in foto's. Ede,Antwerpen.<br />

Issenrnan, B.<br />

1985 Inuit skin clothing: construction and motifs. Etudes/Inuit/Studies 9, 2: 101-119.<br />

1990 Female-male duality in Inuit clothing. Inuit Studies Occasional Papers 4: 169-174.<br />

Issenrnan, B. en C. Rankin<br />

1988 Ivalu, traditions of Inuit clothing. Montreal.<br />

Kaalund, Bodil<br />

1987 The Art of <strong>Greenland</strong>. Copenhagen: Politikens Forlag.<br />

Kleivan, Helge<br />

1969 Dominans og kontrol i moderniseringen af Grønland. In: Grønland i focus, Jan Hjarnø (ed.),<br />

København: Nationalmuseet.<br />

Kleivan, Inge<br />

1960 Mitartut, vestiges of the Eskimo sea-woman cult in West <strong>Greenland</strong>. Meddelelser om<br />

Grønland, bnd 161, nr 5. København.<br />

1984 Contemporary <strong>Greenland</strong>ers. In: Handbook of North American Indians, 5 Arctic, D. Damas<br />

(ed): 700-718.<br />

Kleivan, I. and B. Sonne<br />

1985 Eskimos of <strong>Greenland</strong> and Canada. Leiden: Brill.<br />

Koek, Afke<br />

1978 Ontwikkelingen in de kunst van de Angmagssalik Inuit. Verre Naasten Naderbij 12,3: 89-<br />

102.<br />

Lemouel, J.F.<br />

1975 Ammassalik dans les collections du Musée de l'Homme. Objets et Mondes 15,2: 259-266.<br />

Lidegaard, Mads<br />

S.A. The History of <strong>Greenland</strong> since the Time of Hans Egede. In: <strong>Greenland</strong> Past and Present.<br />

Copenhagen.<br />

Maqe, Elisa<br />

1994 Tunumiit mersertini oqalittuaat / Østgrønlandske børneeventyr / <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>ic Children’s<br />

Story. Nuuk: Atuakatliorfik.<br />

Meade, Marie<br />

1990 Sewing to maintain past, present and future. Etudes / Inuit / Studies, 14, 1-2: 229-239.<br />

Meldgaard, J.<br />

1977 The Prehistoric Cultures in <strong>Greenland</strong>: Discontinuities in a Marginal Area. In: Continuity and<br />

Discontinuity in the Inuit Culture of <strong>Greenland</strong>. Groningen: University of Groningen.<br />

Nooter, G.<br />

1970 Mitartut, een groenlands winterfeest.Verre Naasten Naderbij 4, 2: 54-69.<br />

1972/3 Change in a hunting community in<strong>East</strong>-<strong>Greenland</strong>. Folk 14/15: 163-204.<br />

1976 Leadership and headship. (Mededelingen van het Rijksmuseum voor <strong>Volkenkunde</strong> 20).<br />

Leiden.<br />

1980 Improvisation and innovation: social consequences of material culture. In: From fieldcase<br />

to showcase. Research, acquisition and presentation in the Rijksmuseum voor <strong>Volkenkunde</strong>.<br />

Uithoorn, Amsterdam: 113-122.<br />

1988 Some recent developments in the Ammassalik district <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>, Folk, vol. 30, pp 215-<br />

20


229.<br />

Nordqvist, J.<br />

1985 De mummies van Qilakitsoq. Nuuk, Kopenhagen.<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

Oakes, G.<br />

1986 Skin boot production in Arctic Bay. Revue Canadienne d'Économie Familiale 36,4: 178-181.<br />

1987 Arctic Jewels. The traditional Inuit parka. Northwest Explorer: 16-21.<br />

1988 Notes <strong>from</strong> a northern diary, part 2.<br />

Pelto, P.<br />

1972 The snowmobile revolution: technology and social change in the Arctic.<br />

Petersen, R.<br />

1984 <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> before 1950. In: Handbook of North American Indians, 5 Arctic, D. Damas<br />

(ed): 622-640.<br />

1984 <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> after 1950. In: Handbook of North American Indians, 5 Arctic, D. Damas<br />

(ed): 622-640.<br />

1984 The pan-Eskimo movement. In: Handbook of North American Indians, 5 Arctic, D. Damas<br />

(ed): 622-640.<br />

Remie, Cornelius (ed.)<br />

1999 Facing the Future, Inughuit Youth of Qaanaaq. Nijmegen: Nijmegen University Press.<br />

Robbe, Bernadette<br />

1986 Femmes Inuit. In: Côté Femmes. Musée de l'Homme. 23,33,34,67,68.<br />

1994 Een brede capuchon van zeehondehuid. In: Lieve lasten, hoe kinderen gedragen worden.<br />

(I. van Hout (ed.) Amsterdam: Tropenmuseum / Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen. pp<br />

133-141.<br />

Robbe, Pierre<br />

1994 Les Inuit 'Ammassalik, chasseurs de l'arctique. Mémoires du Muséum National d'Histoire<br />

Naturelle 159.<br />

Robert-Lamblin, J.<br />

1986 Ammassalik, <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> - end or persistance of an isolate? Athropolocical and<br />

demographical study on change. Meddelelser om Grønland, Man & Society 10. København.<br />

Sandgreen, Otto (ed)<br />

1994 Ammassalik fylder 100 fylder år 1894-1994, Uddrag af grundlæggernes dagbøger samt korte<br />

biografier af samme. København: Otto Lindgreens Forlag.<br />

Schneider, Jane<br />

1987 The anthropology of cloth. Annual Review of anthropology 16: 409-448.<br />

Stefansson, V.<br />

1958 Clothes make the Eskimo. Man 8: 41-48.<br />

Svensson, T .G.<br />

1992 <strong>Clothing</strong> in the Arctic: A means of protection, a statement of identity .Arctic 45,1: 62-73.<br />

Thalbitzer, W.<br />

1914 Ethnographica! collections <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> (Angmagsalik and Nualik)made by G.<br />

Holm, G. Amdrup and ] .Petersen and discribed by W. Thalbitzer. In: The Ammassalik<br />

Eskimo,W. Tha!bitzer (ed.). (Meddelelser om Grønland 39). Kopenhagen: 21-755.<br />

1993 The enigma of the woman's horned cap. In: Continuit y and discontinuit y in Arctic cultures,<br />

C. Buijs (ed.). Leiden: 3-28.<br />

Tinbergen, N.<br />

1934 Eskimoland. Rotterdam: D. van Sijn & Zonen.<br />

21


Vaughan, Richard<br />

1995 The Arctic, a history. Dover: Allan Sutton Publishing Inc.<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

22


Notes<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

1. The word Inuit (singular Inuk) means ‘people’. In South Alaska and Siberia, the Inuit call themselves Yuit and Yupik<br />

(sing. Yuk) . The closely related Aleuts, who live in southern Alaska, call themselves ‘Unangan’ or ‘Aluti’. In <strong>Greenland</strong><br />

there is yet another term, Kalaallit (sing. Kalaalleq).<br />

Outside their home regions the Inuit are better known under the name of ‘Eskimo’. However, in the past this name was<br />

unknown to them. The term cropped up for the first time in a written communication <strong>from</strong> Father Briard, on his work as<br />

missionary in ‘New France’ - Canada. The word Eskimo may derive <strong>from</strong> ‘Eskimantsik’, a word the Wabanaki<br />

Indians used, in a derogatory way, for ‘eater of raw flesh’. Among the Cree Indians in the south of the Hudson Bay area,<br />

the name ‘Eskimau’ (plural Eskimawok) was used, with the same meaning. ‘Eskimo’ is thus an term of insult. For this<br />

reason, only the word Inuit will be used here.<br />

2. Niko Tinbergen, 1907-1988. Tinbergen himself wrote about his sojourn in <strong>Greenland</strong>:<br />

"Through the generosity of Sidney Van den Bergh, I had been offered the opportunity of joining the Netherlands' small<br />

contingent for the International Polar Year 1932-33, which was to have its base in Angmagssalik, the homeland of a<br />

small, isolated Eskimo tribe. My wife and I lived with these fascinating people for two summers and a winter just<br />

before they were westernised. Our first-hand experience of life among this primitive community of hunter-gatherers<br />

stood us in good stead forty years laters when I tried to reconstruct the most likely way of life of ancestral Man."<br />

3. Gerti Nooter, 1930-1998.<br />

4. This system for retaining warm air can also be found in the houses of the Inuit and other Polar peoples. The igloo,<br />

and the stone-built winter house, are both constructed in such a way that the living area is reached via a long, low entry.<br />

The igloo reaches its full height inside the living area. Since warm air rises, relatively little escapes through the much<br />

lower entry. The living area and thus be kept warm with the blubber lamp.<br />

5. Among the Inuit of Canada, women wear clothing with a ‘tail’ at both front and back, which protects the wearer’s<br />

body against dampness, and conserves the body’s warmth.<br />

6. During various polar expeditions, for example the 1884 ‘Fram’ expedition, the explorers wore European clothing.<br />

The Norwegian explorer Fridtjof Nansen issued expedition members, including himself, with the best possible<br />

clothing, given the Norwegian standards of that time. He and his men wore European furs over a layer of wool. This<br />

clothing was clearly too warm during times of physical effort, causing excessive perspiration. The wool underlayer<br />

became considerably heavier, and the freezing of damp garments could cause a general over-cooling of the body.<br />

“We quickly discovered that our clothes (European expedition clothing) was always too warm, causing too much<br />

perspiration. Because our clothes absorbed bodily humidity, they became so heavy that they weighed us down to a<br />

considerably degree when we were absent for the space of three days, and when we returned in the boat, our<br />

clothes were so wet that they had to be hung for a long time over the stove to dry out. If we undressed in the cold<br />

after having worn these clothes for some time, they immediately froze, so that it was difficult to draw them on<br />

again...”<br />

At a later date other Europeans, for example Amundsen, adopted indigenous fur clothing. Danish expeditions were<br />

more prepared to learn <strong>from</strong> the indigenous peoples of the areas they were exploring. Yet those adopting the fur<br />

clothing of the Polar peoples still remained in the minority.<br />

7. In addition, the women of <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> had a large number of other names for beads, probably deriving <strong>from</strong><br />

words dating <strong>from</strong> an earlier epoch. Thus we find sikkulaarqat - small round beads; suluarpalaat - small cylindrical<br />

beads; and angilertaat - larger beads.<br />

8.The oldest bead ever found in <strong>Greenland</strong>, is three to four thousand years old, and dates <strong>from</strong> the period in which the<br />

first Inuit-like people arrived in <strong>Greenland</strong>. It is made <strong>from</strong> steatite (soapstone) and may have been made as an amulet.<br />

9. Also described as angmagssat, Capelin (a kind of small salmon - Mallotus villosus).<br />

10. A bead necklace can also consist of a number of polar-bear’s teeth threaded, or sewn, onto a leather thong. A<br />

necklace of this kind was almost certainly an amulet. The <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong>ers still say that polar-bear teeth bring good<br />

luck.<br />

11. With a mouth-drill the man made a hole in the bead, so that it could be threaded or sewn onto a thong. Beads were<br />

not only used for ornamentation, but for many different practical purposes as well, for example fastening a jacket, or as<br />

a kayak button for fastening leather straps to the kayak top.<br />

12. The Cachelot or sperm whale.<br />

23


<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

13. Nowadays these are small plastic beads bought in shops, and usually imported <strong>from</strong> Europe, Japan or Korea.<br />

14. It is remarkable to see the influence the Dutch trade and whaling have had on <strong>Greenland</strong>. Not only do the Dutch<br />

produce better iron ulus (women’s knives) than the Danes, but they also introduced strong drink, labour, and weapons.<br />

15. The traditional boots, the kamiit for example, become broader after a few hours of walking, and then they slide on<br />

the snow, but if they are sewn with sinew thread, they remain<br />

waterproof because the sinew thread expands into the sewing holes. Nylon does not expand when wet, so that water<br />

may penetrate the boots through the sewing holes. This can have serious consequences if the temperature drops below<br />

freezing point. For this reason sinew thread is hoarded for its usefulness in making kamiit.<br />

16. An amaat is a woman’s coat with an enlarged back panel and hood in which a baby can be carried.<br />

17. In 1721 a Dutch ship landed Hans Egede, a missionary <strong>from</strong> Bergen appointed by the Danish king, on the island of<br />

Håbets, close to the coast of the present-day main town of Nuuk (Godthåb). From there Egede began to organise the<br />

colonisation and conversion of <strong>Greenland</strong>. He brought with him the book, published three years earlier, by Lourens<br />

Feykes Haan, entitled Beschryving van de Straat Davids, Benevens deszelven Inwooners, Zede, Gestalte, en<br />

Gewoonte, misgaders hunne Visvangst, en andere Handelingen. Als mede een kort en beknopt verhaal van de<br />

Westkust van de zelfde Straat, of andere Noord America genoemd' (Description of the Davis Straits, together with its<br />

inhabitants, morals, composition, and customs, including its fisheries, and other matters. Also a short and concise<br />

description of the West coast of the same Straits, otherwise known as North America). By that time the Dutch had<br />

already been trading for over a century with the <strong>Greenland</strong>ers in the Davis Straits, and whaling had begun a few years<br />

before this time. To a large extent Egede was opposed to the Dutch, yet was at the same time dependent upon them, for<br />

his supplies for example. The Dutch really only knew Håbets <strong>from</strong> their visits during the summer months. In 1728 the<br />

winter weather compelled Egede to transfer his colony to its present site, Nuuk. There one can see his statue, looking<br />

out over the fjord, and his house is still there.<br />

18. Gustav Holm, 1849 - 1940.<br />

19. Ammassalik, also spelled Angmagssalik, town, southeastern <strong>Greenland</strong>, on the south coast of Ammassalik Island.<br />

The island is 25 miles (40 km) long and 12–20 miles (19–32 km) wide, with a high point of 4,336 feet (1,322 m).<br />

Although Europeans landed as early as 1472, the region was not explored until 1884, when Gustav Holm, a Dane,<br />

mapped the coast. A trading and mission station was established in 1895 to help sustain the <strong>Greenland</strong>ic (Eskimo)<br />

population with imported food and firearms for hunting. It was named for a fish called angmagssat (capelin) found in<br />

coastal waters. A weather and radio station is located there. Population: (1990 estimated) 1,465.<br />

(Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica).<br />

20. Gill Oakes, who recently carried out research among the Inuit of Canada, also mentions the fertility aspect, but in a<br />

different context: The seam at the back was rolled inwards, and bound firmly under the armpits. When the wearer<br />

began to menstruate, the bindings were cut, allowing the tail to fall down. (Oakes 1987:21).<br />

Gill Oakes describes how the young Inuit woman, Rhoda, received an amaat <strong>from</strong> her mother-in-law upon her<br />

marriage. When her first baby arrived she would carry him in her amaat. Later on she would pass on her complicated<br />

bead ornament, more than fifty years old by that time, to her daughter, who had meanwhile reached her teenage years.<br />

Thus the tradition continues to be maintained for the new generations.<br />

21. The inside of the front panel is constructed in such a way that the fur hairs point upwards, rather than downwards as<br />

is more usual. This prevents the amaat <strong>from</strong> riding up against the mother’s body, with the baby’s weight. Inside the<br />

hood, and in the wide back panel, the fur’s nap is directed downwards, so that it is softer and less irritating for the child.<br />

22. It was certainly possible to lengthen the legs of the short trousers. Detachable legs could be fastened to the legs of<br />

the ‘shorts’. These additions must have been easy to put on and take off, since they were sewn to the main garment<br />

with long stitches and thick thread. We know that this was the case in West <strong>Greenland</strong>, <strong>from</strong> the discovery of the<br />

clothing worn by mummified bodies in a grave at Qilakitsoq dating <strong>from</strong> the sixteenth century. The women’s<br />

remarkable short trousers were also connected with concepts of fertility.<br />

23. At the beginning of the 1970s, the following event took place during the festival. On Twelfth Night (Three Kings) on 6<br />

January, disguised ‘mummer’ figures show themselves in the streets, while some of them even sit in the Church<br />

during the service. In West <strong>Greenland</strong>, during the daytime the ‘mummers’ are usually children and young girls, while<br />

in the evening they are young, unmarried men. In <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> however, it is only the men who dress up, at any rate<br />

according to a report dating <strong>from</strong> 1968. They are dressed in a grotesque way, wearing cardboard masks, while their<br />

faces and hands are blackened with soot. Men wear women’s clothes, and stuffed-out garments suggest an advanced<br />

stage of pregnancy. At the same time they often wear a penis made of paper, rolled up. Their clothing also shows other<br />

unusual features, such as a rubber boot on the left foot and a seal-skin boot on the right. The mummers threaten people,<br />

but do not actually hit them, and they are silent in case they are recognised by their voices. They try to blacken the<br />

bystanders with soot, and to make them laugh. In the houses they are given small presents. If a mummer is<br />

recognised, he is out of the game. The mummers represent the Three Kings, but they all wear the same kind of<br />

costume. As a rule there are only two of them, and they claim that one of the Three Kings got lost in the dark.<br />

According to the <strong>Greenland</strong>ers themselves, Kongepingasiit (mitaartut) was not celebrated in former times, but another<br />

old <strong>Greenland</strong> festival, called uaajeertut, had a number of similar features, for example the dressing-up in disguise, the<br />

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use of soot, the pulling of faces, making bystanders laugh, and transvestite elements.<br />

<strong>Clothing</strong> <strong>from</strong> <strong>East</strong> <strong>Greenland</strong> © Cunera Buijs<br />

Digital publications of the National <strong>Museum</strong> of Ethnology<br />

_________________________<br />

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