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C - Organized Mobbing

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7<br />

1<br />

I<br />

516 CHAPTER NINE<br />

long, and intensive contact with a set of people who were SUpposed O be<br />

anti-authorities. Yet they ate with them, drank with them, laughed with th %-I<br />

played with their children, listened to music together, and seemingly shared<br />

their opinions and their feelings. On the other hand, they met one Single<br />

officer, often several times a week, who for the most part was not a friend ,a<br />

buddy, but in crucial ways knew more about them than anybody else. -rhat<br />

officer had to remain a bureaucrat, even if he also once in a while cooked for<br />

them, received them with coffee and sweets at their meetings, but who had<br />

after all, a job to do, a report to write that had to follow a particular script<br />

satisfy his superiors. The dormants were thus sandwiched between people<br />

who thought and acted like friends even though they were supposedly en-<br />

emies, and an officer who was a comrade, who, qua rules and regulatlo,,,<br />

was not supposed to become a friend or even an intellectual partner because<br />

his eyes had to remain fixed to the particular goals of the casework.<br />

n e secret informants' most peculiar social situation helps US to under.<br />

stand a curious phenomenon. After the dissolution of the GDR, when the<br />

former informants were asked by the former dissidents why they had betrayed<br />

them, the informants often said somethng to the effect that they had<br />

only partially betrayed the activists, that they had in fact done both, work for<br />

the groups in which they participated and work for the secret police. They<br />

described their situation as "thoroughly schizophrenic," or as "full of contradictions."<br />

When the Wall fell and the Stasi was dissolved, most of them were<br />

relieved that their double life came to an end (not quite anticipating yet the<br />

ostracization that was soon to follow).<br />

In living and breathing with the movement members, these had, perhaps<br />

imperceptibly at first, often become authorities for the informants. The activists'<br />

recognitions began to count, and they began to transform the informants'<br />

understandings. The Stasi was aware that what anthropologists call<br />

"going nativs" \\-as a constant danger of their informant's work. Therefore,<br />

guidance officers ivere asked to impregnate their informants with a firml'foe<br />

image." They were asked to convince them that the activists were dangerous<br />

carriers of PUT, threatening the socialist project. For example, Hager was<br />

told by her guidance officer that Gerd Poppe had once said that "if matters<br />

were ever to change again, they [presumably the Stasi officers and their informants<br />

and leading party members] would all be hung." Yet, such explanations<br />

did not satisfy all informants, and if they did for a while they lost some<br />

of their credibility in the course of time. Winkler, Miiller, and Kaminski say<br />

in unison that they tried to raise doubts with their guidance officers with<br />

regard to the Stasi's assessment of the groups' dangerousness for the GDR.<br />

They all read the movement members as desiring a reform of socialism as<br />

it was-and that a reform was necessary, they themselves had no doubts.<br />

Most of their guidance officers rigorously blocked such conversations, and

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