Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis

Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis

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Church as guardian and preacher of the moral order is also recognized in that the Church is called „the incorruptible conscience of the state and the economy“: „not ancilla, not domina, but conscientia rei publicae et rerum publicarum“ (Minister Adolf Grimme at the investiture of the Landesbischof, Hanns Lilje, l947). f) The ideal case (harmonious collaboration of Church and state while preserving their mutual autonomy) has probably been realized only seldom historically. Incidentally, the transition to the ‘lame’ separation will probably be a fluid one, since in general the concrete configuration of the relation between Church and state covers a wide area. § 3 Church and Political Party l. The attitude of the Church towards political parties, which are indispensable in a representative democracy, is determined by the principles that govern the relation of Church to state and politics in general. In themselves, political parties are ‘secular’ institutions which are not subject to guidance by the Church. Many platform planks and decisions of a political party will appear ‘indifferent’ in the light of Catholic faith and moral teaching. The reminder of the Second Vatican Council that „various legitimate though conflicting views can be held concerning the regulation of temporal affairs“ (Gaudium et spes, 75) holds here. In such cases, „no one is allowed...to appropriate the Church’s authority for his opinion“ (ibid., 43). In the ideologically pluralistic society of the present, the Church will also, of course, occasionally be confronted with policies of political parties against which it must raise objections as guardian of the doctrine of faith and morals. 2. From these considerations, four conclusions can be deduced: a) Presupposing that no party in a given state offends against the Catholic doctrine of faith and morals in platform or policy, Catholics are free to join whichever party they wish. b) In order to forestall the erroneous opinion that party and Church are the same, it would be welcome from the standpoint of the Church if the attitude of all, or at least most, parties permitted Catholics to enter their ranks without reservations of conscience. For experience teaches that a Catholic political party is easily equated with the Church and Christianity, in spite of all emphasis upon its non-ecclesiastical nature. c) If a political party pursues ends that contradict the Christian doctrine of faith and morals, Catholics are forbidden to participate in or vote for it. The superficial catchword, „religion has nothing to do with politics“, is false. Pius XI responded appropriately that there is a kind of politics that infiltrates the churches and overturns the altars. Political parties therefore determine their nearness to or distance from the Church by their platform and by their policy. d) Since it can be possible in an ideologically pluralistic society that the platforms of the existing political parties contradict the Catholic doctrine of faith and morals in essential points, it may prove necessary for Catholic citizens to band together into their own political party or to form a party together with non-Catholic Christians. This party would not be an ‘ecclesiastical institution’, nor a denominational or clerical party, but a political one, which would be responsible for the well-being of the entire nation. If it calls itself ‘Christian’, that does not mean ecclesiastical tutelage, but profession of the principles of Christian social teaching. Today, not a few hold the thesis, consciously or unconsciously, that only the adherents of liberalism, socialism, humanism, or some other secular trend are entitled to become politically active, but not the adherents of the Christian faith, at least not according to the principles of their faith. If Catholic citizens wanted to become politically active, they would have to give up 156

their faith, as it were, in the political realm and act according to liberal or socialist models. Political activation marked by faith is allegedly ‘political clericalism’. To this insulting objection it is to be answered that in the modern ideologically pluralistic society the Christian is also entitled and obligated to co-operate in the political molding of the state, of the society, and of the economy from out of his or her faith. As the Second Vatican Council teaches, Christians should be a model of dutiful action and champion the common good. Through their deeds, they should show „how authority is to be harmonized with freedom, personal initiative with consideration for the bonds uniting the whole social body, and necessary unity with beneficial diversity“ (Gaudium et spes, 75). Here, however, a clear distinction must be made „between what a Christian conscience leads them to do in their own name as citizens, whether as individuals or in association, and what they do in the name of the Church and in union with her shepherds“ (ibid., 76). In modern society, the Church is only present and effective as far as the witness of Christians extends (Cf. ibid., 76), which must take effect „in the arena of their labor, profession, studies, residence, leisure, and companionship“ (Apostolicam actuositatem, l3). If this witness is lacking, the Church will no longer fill the spiritual space of society, and other forces will infiltrate, gain acceptance, and even shake the legally secured position of the Church in the state. If the substance of the faith is lacking, no state privileges can provide a substitution. SECTION FIVE: THE COMMUNITY OF NATIONS CHAPTER ONE: THE UNITY OF THE HUMAN RACE AS THE FOUN- DATION OF THE COMMUNITY OF NATIONS Whereas the animal world is divided into numerous genera and species, which frequently fight mercilessly against one another, humans are not only a biological unity, 75 but metaphysically united through the same human nature in spite of their differences in skin color and national characteristics. The inhumane limitation of ‘humanness’ to one’s own tribe, one’s own race, one’s own nation, or one’s own class leads to bestiality. Because humans are not only ‘many’, but ‘many of the same species’, they form an original, pre-existing unity in a spiritual-moral, legal, and economic respect, independently of their agreement and consent. § 1 The Spiritual-Moral Unity of Mankind l. The orientation of all mankind towards the same spiritual-moral values of the true, the good, the beautiful, and the holy is given through the selfsame human nature which is identical in all people. The realization of these values takes places through the co-operation of all nations and cultural areas in world history. 2. Because world economy and world trade, press and radio, threat of war and longing for peace have bound all mankind into a fateful unity as never before, the recognition of common, fundamental spiritual and moral values is more urgent today than in earlier periods, when continents and cultural areas were hardly in contact with one another. World peace has its deepest foundations neither in the system of bloc formations nor in the balance of arms, but in the spiritual unity of people and nations. Pius XII therefore exhorted: „Let the blockades be opened, let the wire entanglements be removed, let every nation be granted a free view into 75 Jerome Lejeune writes: „All presently living people have the same chromosomes.“ From this it follows „that the caryotype...of man as we know him today originally made its appearance in a very limited group, perhaps in a single couple“ („Über den Beginn des menschlichen Lebens,“ in Die Herausforderung der Vierten Welt [Cologne, 1973], 45). 157

Church as guardian and preacher of the moral order is also recognized in that the Church is<br />

called „the incorruptible conscience of the state and the economy“: „not ancilla, not domina,<br />

but conscientia rei publicae et rerum publicarum“ (Minister Adolf Grimme at the investiture<br />

of the Landesbischof, Hanns Lilje, l947).<br />

f) The ideal case (harmonious collaboration of Church and state while preserving their mutual<br />

autonomy) has probably been realized only seldom historically. Incidentally, the transition to<br />

the ‘lame’ separation will probably be a fluid one, since in general the concrete configuration<br />

of the relation between Church and state covers a wide area.<br />

§ 3 Church and Political Party<br />

l. The attitude of the Church towards political parties, which are indispensable in a representative<br />

democracy, is determined by the principles that govern the relation of Church to state and<br />

politics in general. In themselves, political parties are ‘secular’ institutions which are not subject<br />

to guidance by the Church. Many platform planks and decisions of a political party will<br />

appear ‘indifferent’ in the light of Catholic faith and moral teaching. The reminder of the Second<br />

Vatican Council that „various legitimate though conflicting views can be held concerning<br />

the regulation of temporal affairs“ (Gaudium et spes, 75) holds here. In such cases, „no one is<br />

allowed...to appropriate the Church’s authority for his opinion“ (ibid., 43). In the ideologically<br />

pluralistic society of the present, the Church will also, of course, occasionally be confronted<br />

with policies of political parties against which it must raise objections as guardian of<br />

the doctrine of faith and morals.<br />

2. From these considerations, four conclusions can be deduced:<br />

a) Presupposing that no party in a given state offends against the Catholic doctrine of faith<br />

and morals in platform or policy, Catholics are free to join whichever party they wish.<br />

b) In order to forestall the erroneous opinion that party and Church are the same, it would be<br />

welcome from the standpoint of the Church if the attitude of all, or at least most, parties permitted<br />

Catholics to enter their ranks without reservations of conscience. For experience<br />

teaches that a Catholic political party is easily equated with the Church and Christianity, in<br />

spite of all emphasis upon its non-ecclesiastical nature.<br />

c) If a political party pursues ends that contradict the Christian doctrine of faith and morals,<br />

Catholics are forbidden to participate in or vote for it. The superficial catchword, „religion has<br />

nothing to do with politics“, is false. Pius XI responded appropriately that there is a kind of<br />

politics that infiltrates the churches and overturns the altars. Political parties therefore determine<br />

their nearness to or distance from the Church by their platform and by their policy.<br />

d) Since it can be possible in an ideologically pluralistic society that the platforms of the existing<br />

political parties contradict the Catholic doctrine of faith and morals in essential points,<br />

it may prove necessary for Catholic citizens to band together into their own political party or<br />

to form a party together with non-Catholic Christians. This party would not be an ‘ecclesiastical<br />

institution’, nor a denominational or clerical party, but a political one, which would be<br />

responsible for the well-being of the entire nation. If it calls itself ‘Christian’, that does not<br />

mean ecclesiastical tutelage, but profession of the principles of Christian social teaching. Today,<br />

not a few hold the thesis, consciously or unconsciously, that only the adherents of liberalism,<br />

socialism, humanism, or some other secular trend are entitled to become politically active,<br />

but not the adherents of the Christian faith, at least not according to the principles of their<br />

faith. If Catholic citizens wanted to become politically active, they would have to give up<br />

156

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