Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
Church as guardian and preacher of the moral order is also recognized in that the Church is called „the incorruptible conscience of the state and the economy“: „not ancilla, not domina, but conscientia rei publicae et rerum publicarum“ (Minister Adolf Grimme at the investiture of the Landesbischof, Hanns Lilje, l947). f) The ideal case (harmonious collaboration of Church and state while preserving their mutual autonomy) has probably been realized only seldom historically. Incidentally, the transition to the ‘lame’ separation will probably be a fluid one, since in general the concrete configuration of the relation between Church and state covers a wide area. § 3 Church and Political Party l. The attitude of the Church towards political parties, which are indispensable in a representative democracy, is determined by the principles that govern the relation of Church to state and politics in general. In themselves, political parties are ‘secular’ institutions which are not subject to guidance by the Church. Many platform planks and decisions of a political party will appear ‘indifferent’ in the light of Catholic faith and moral teaching. The reminder of the Second Vatican Council that „various legitimate though conflicting views can be held concerning the regulation of temporal affairs“ (Gaudium et spes, 75) holds here. In such cases, „no one is allowed...to appropriate the Church’s authority for his opinion“ (ibid., 43). In the ideologically pluralistic society of the present, the Church will also, of course, occasionally be confronted with policies of political parties against which it must raise objections as guardian of the doctrine of faith and morals. 2. From these considerations, four conclusions can be deduced: a) Presupposing that no party in a given state offends against the Catholic doctrine of faith and morals in platform or policy, Catholics are free to join whichever party they wish. b) In order to forestall the erroneous opinion that party and Church are the same, it would be welcome from the standpoint of the Church if the attitude of all, or at least most, parties permitted Catholics to enter their ranks without reservations of conscience. For experience teaches that a Catholic political party is easily equated with the Church and Christianity, in spite of all emphasis upon its non-ecclesiastical nature. c) If a political party pursues ends that contradict the Christian doctrine of faith and morals, Catholics are forbidden to participate in or vote for it. The superficial catchword, „religion has nothing to do with politics“, is false. Pius XI responded appropriately that there is a kind of politics that infiltrates the churches and overturns the altars. Political parties therefore determine their nearness to or distance from the Church by their platform and by their policy. d) Since it can be possible in an ideologically pluralistic society that the platforms of the existing political parties contradict the Catholic doctrine of faith and morals in essential points, it may prove necessary for Catholic citizens to band together into their own political party or to form a party together with non-Catholic Christians. This party would not be an ‘ecclesiastical institution’, nor a denominational or clerical party, but a political one, which would be responsible for the well-being of the entire nation. If it calls itself ‘Christian’, that does not mean ecclesiastical tutelage, but profession of the principles of Christian social teaching. Today, not a few hold the thesis, consciously or unconsciously, that only the adherents of liberalism, socialism, humanism, or some other secular trend are entitled to become politically active, but not the adherents of the Christian faith, at least not according to the principles of their faith. If Catholic citizens wanted to become politically active, they would have to give up 156
their faith, as it were, in the political realm and act according to liberal or socialist models. Political activation marked by faith is allegedly ‘political clericalism’. To this insulting objection it is to be answered that in the modern ideologically pluralistic society the Christian is also entitled and obligated to co-operate in the political molding of the state, of the society, and of the economy from out of his or her faith. As the Second Vatican Council teaches, Christians should be a model of dutiful action and champion the common good. Through their deeds, they should show „how authority is to be harmonized with freedom, personal initiative with consideration for the bonds uniting the whole social body, and necessary unity with beneficial diversity“ (Gaudium et spes, 75). Here, however, a clear distinction must be made „between what a Christian conscience leads them to do in their own name as citizens, whether as individuals or in association, and what they do in the name of the Church and in union with her shepherds“ (ibid., 76). In modern society, the Church is only present and effective as far as the witness of Christians extends (Cf. ibid., 76), which must take effect „in the arena of their labor, profession, studies, residence, leisure, and companionship“ (Apostolicam actuositatem, l3). If this witness is lacking, the Church will no longer fill the spiritual space of society, and other forces will infiltrate, gain acceptance, and even shake the legally secured position of the Church in the state. If the substance of the faith is lacking, no state privileges can provide a substitution. SECTION FIVE: THE COMMUNITY OF NATIONS CHAPTER ONE: THE UNITY OF THE HUMAN RACE AS THE FOUN- DATION OF THE COMMUNITY OF NATIONS Whereas the animal world is divided into numerous genera and species, which frequently fight mercilessly against one another, humans are not only a biological unity, 75 but metaphysically united through the same human nature in spite of their differences in skin color and national characteristics. The inhumane limitation of ‘humanness’ to one’s own tribe, one’s own race, one’s own nation, or one’s own class leads to bestiality. Because humans are not only ‘many’, but ‘many of the same species’, they form an original, pre-existing unity in a spiritual-moral, legal, and economic respect, independently of their agreement and consent. § 1 The Spiritual-Moral Unity of Mankind l. The orientation of all mankind towards the same spiritual-moral values of the true, the good, the beautiful, and the holy is given through the selfsame human nature which is identical in all people. The realization of these values takes places through the co-operation of all nations and cultural areas in world history. 2. Because world economy and world trade, press and radio, threat of war and longing for peace have bound all mankind into a fateful unity as never before, the recognition of common, fundamental spiritual and moral values is more urgent today than in earlier periods, when continents and cultural areas were hardly in contact with one another. World peace has its deepest foundations neither in the system of bloc formations nor in the balance of arms, but in the spiritual unity of people and nations. Pius XII therefore exhorted: „Let the blockades be opened, let the wire entanglements be removed, let every nation be granted a free view into 75 Jerome Lejeune writes: „All presently living people have the same chromosomes.“ From this it follows „that the caryotype...of man as we know him today originally made its appearance in a very limited group, perhaps in a single couple“ („Über den Beginn des menschlichen Lebens,“ in Die Herausforderung der Vierten Welt [Cologne, 1973], 45). 157
- Page 105 and 106: doctrine of historical epochs the f
- Page 107 and 108: nist community of goods might have
- Page 109 and 110: piece-work bonuses, and the like. L
- Page 111 and 112: (the rector multitudinis), of reali
- Page 113 and 114: towards absolutism“ (Georges Ripe
- Page 115 and 116: oad strata of the population posses
- Page 117 and 118: ) Dissemination of wealth through n
- Page 119 and 120: net profit of a national economy th
- Page 121 and 122: tion of a formula which should allo
- Page 123 and 124: intensive primary sector of agricul
- Page 125 and 126: a) No Objection to Pioneer Profits
- Page 127 and 128: 3. Critical Evaluation Christian so
- Page 129 and 130: and juridical doctrinarians!“ 77
- Page 131 and 132: without any thought as to whether i
- Page 133 and 134: an agreement; every lawful power is
- Page 135 and 136: Christian philosophy of the state,
- Page 137 and 138: 2. Objection to the Doctrine of the
- Page 139 and 140: § 3 Rights and Duties of Governmen
- Page 141 and 142: sheds the blood of man, by man shal
- Page 143 and 144: ). War and Peace in the Nuclear Age
- Page 145 and 146: d). Ten Guiding Principles The Firs
- Page 147 and 148: the employment of nuclear weapons,
- Page 149 and 150: freedom of association, the freedom
- Page 151 and 152: when it is a question, not of a pol
- Page 153 and 154: constitution. Pressure groups disti
- Page 155: a) Church and state go back „to t
- Page 159 and 160: l397), one also reads that, accordi
- Page 161 and 162: was furthered by the two world wars
- Page 163 and 164: Europe became conscious in the seco
- Page 165 and 166: medium-sized and small-scale compan
- Page 167 and 168: exist“ sufficient qualities and e
Church as guardian and preacher of the moral order is also recognized in that the Church is<br />
called „the incorruptible conscience of the state and the economy“: „not ancilla, not domina,<br />
but conscientia rei publicae et rerum publicarum“ (Minister Adolf Grimme at the investiture<br />
of the Landesbischof, Hanns Lilje, l947).<br />
f) The ideal case (harmonious collaboration of Church and state while preserving their mutual<br />
autonomy) has probably been realized only seldom historically. Incidentally, the transition to<br />
the ‘lame’ separation will probably be a fluid one, since in general the concrete configuration<br />
of the relation between Church and state covers a wide area.<br />
§ 3 Church and Political Party<br />
l. The attitude of the Church towards political parties, which are indispensable in a representative<br />
democracy, is determined by the principles that govern the relation of Church to state and<br />
politics in general. In themselves, political parties are ‘secular’ institutions which are not subject<br />
to guidance by the Church. Many platform planks and decisions of a political party will<br />
appear ‘indifferent’ in the light of Catholic faith and moral teaching. The reminder of the Second<br />
Vatican Council that „various legitimate though conflicting views can be held concerning<br />
the regulation of temporal affairs“ (Gaudium et spes, 75) holds here. In such cases, „no one is<br />
allowed...to appropriate the Church’s authority for his opinion“ (ibid., 43). In the ideologically<br />
pluralistic society of the present, the Church will also, of course, occasionally be confronted<br />
with policies of political parties against which it must raise objections as guardian of<br />
the doctrine of faith and morals.<br />
2. From these considerations, four conclusions can be deduced:<br />
a) Presupposing that no party in a given state offends against the Catholic doctrine of faith<br />
and morals in platform or policy, Catholics are free to join whichever party they wish.<br />
b) In order to forestall the erroneous opinion that party and Church are the same, it would be<br />
welcome from the standpoint of the Church if the attitude of all, or at least most, parties permitted<br />
Catholics to enter their ranks without reservations of conscience. For experience<br />
teaches that a Catholic political party is easily equated with the Church and Christianity, in<br />
spite of all emphasis upon its non-ecclesiastical nature.<br />
c) If a political party pursues ends that contradict the Christian doctrine of faith and morals,<br />
Catholics are forbidden to participate in or vote for it. The superficial catchword, „religion has<br />
nothing to do with politics“, is false. Pius XI responded appropriately that there is a kind of<br />
politics that infiltrates the churches and overturns the altars. Political parties therefore determine<br />
their nearness to or distance from the Church by their platform and by their policy.<br />
d) Since it can be possible in an ideologically pluralistic society that the platforms of the existing<br />
political parties contradict the Catholic doctrine of faith and morals in essential points,<br />
it may prove necessary for Catholic citizens to band together into their own political party or<br />
to form a party together with non-Catholic Christians. This party would not be an ‘ecclesiastical<br />
institution’, nor a denominational or clerical party, but a political one, which would be<br />
responsible for the well-being of the entire nation. If it calls itself ‘Christian’, that does not<br />
mean ecclesiastical tutelage, but profession of the principles of Christian social teaching. Today,<br />
not a few hold the thesis, consciously or unconsciously, that only the adherents of liberalism,<br />
socialism, humanism, or some other secular trend are entitled to become politically active,<br />
but not the adherents of the Christian faith, at least not according to the principles of their<br />
faith. If Catholic citizens wanted to become politically active, they would have to give up<br />
156