Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
The subject of Church and democracy had already received the most extensive treatment in Paul VI's apostolic letter „Octogesima adveniens“ (1971) before „Sollicitudo rei socialis“ and „Centesimus annus“; the Church's social teaching „does not intervene to authenticate a given structure or to propose a ready- made model, it does not thereby limit itself to recalling general principles“ (42). This general statement is explained in the light of the Church's position on I democracy; „Octogesima adveniens“ speaks of „the aspiration to equality and the aspiration to participation „(22) as „two forms of man's dignity.“ It draws the conclusion; „The two aspirations, to equality and to participation, seek to promote a democratic type of society. Various models are proposed, some are tried out, none of them gives complete satisfaction, and the search goes on between ideological and pragmatic tendencies.“(24) The direction is thus clear; Though there are different possibilities for different democratic systems to ensure equality and participation in keeping with the Church's concept of human dignity, the system sought should definitely be a democratic one. All of these postulations contain the qualification that whatever system of government is chosen it must „take account of the prevailing circumstances and the condition of the people; and these are things which vary in different places and at different times“ (Pacem in terris 68, see also Gaudium et spes 31.2; 74.5) This qualification takes account of specific historical obstacles on the road to democracy, albeit without losing sight of the objective. Thus it offers no alibi for the slow progress towards democracy in some developing countries, or for a transitional period in which to legitimize 'development dictatorships'. In „Sollicitudo rei socialis“ and „Centesimus annus“ John Paul /I thoroughly denounces such justifications. He perceives in the lack of democratic conditions one of the main reasons for underdevelopment and therefore declares that certain countries „need to reform certain unjust structures and in particular their political institutions, in order to replace corrupt, dictatorial and authoritarian forms of government by democratic and participatory ones „, to be more specific, „the participation of all citizens in public affairs „, „the rule of law „,and“ respect for and promotion of human rights“; all this is, he said, „the necessary condition and sure guarantee for the development of 'the whole individual and of all people' „ („Sollicitudo rei socialis“, 44,4). To sum it up in the words of „Centesimus annus“; „The Church values the democratic system inasmuch as it ensures the participation of citizens in making political choices, guarantees to the governed the possibility of both of electing and holding accountable those who govern them, and of replacing them through peaceful means when appropriate. Thus she cannot encourage the formation of narrow ruling groups which usurp the power of the State for individual interests or for ideological ends“ (46.1). This of course does not apply to everything that is called 'democracy' but only to the „authentic democracy“ which „is possible only in a State ruled by law, and on the basis of a correct conception of the human person.“ This means that the Church dissociates itself from the assertion that „agnosticism and skeptical relativism are the philosophy and the basic attitude which correspond to democratic forms of political life“ (46,2). For „freedom attains its full development only by accepting the truth. In a world without truth, freedom loses its foundation and man is exposed to the violence of passion and to manipulation, both open and hidden (46.4) The 'authentic’ democracy and thus one approved by the Church is only possible on the basis of hyperpositive, pre-state and inalienable „human rights .“ Therefore it is „necessary for peoples. ..to give democracy an authentic and solid foundation through the explicit recognition of those rights“(47.1) 138
§ 3 Rights and Duties of Governmental Authority The field of the governmental authority’s duties in legislation, administration, and dispensation of justice is defined by the end of the state, which consists in the creation of the presuppositions for a prosperous development of the individual, smaller social circles, and society as a whole. The following belong to the essential tasks of the governmental authority: external defense and, in general, an honest and just foreign policy; the construction and preservation of a legal system, which must take shape in the state constitution, in the economic constitution, in private law, in penal law, and so on; a just administration and dispensation of justice, as well as care for the public welfare. With respect to the lattermost, it must be emphasized that not only must material welfare be fostered through economic and social policy, but that immaterial welfare is to be cared for also, the characteristics which are above all the realization of social justice, a popular education building on moral values, a superior culture and science, a model health system, as well as the preservation of the freedoms of conscience and religion. Today, terrorism, which fights against the ‘prevailing system’ with fanatical zeal, threatens the security of states. It ruthlessly seeks to realize the ideology of a ‘new society’. But it is easier to say how things should not be in a social order than to say how they should be. In the following, three important problems are to be treated which are the subject of lively discussion today: the right of the state to levy taxes, the right of the state to impose the death penalty, and the right of the state to wage war. 1. The right to levy taxes, Concerning the right to levy taxes, Christian social teaching advances three principles: a) The right of the state to impose taxes is grounded in the common good, which cannot be realized without the citizens’ willingness to sacrifice. The closely intertwined nature of modern society and the critical development of social and political conditions since the beginning of the industrial age have caused the financial needs of the state to increase enormously. Different theories have been advanced on the highest limit of taxation permissible. Some take the view that the only justified tax rate is the biblical tithe; others assert that a tax rate of fourteen per cent such as was in force in Italy before the First World War is „almost excessive“ (Arthur Vermeersch, S.J.); still others declare that the limit of an economically bearable tax burden lies at twenty-five per cent of the social product (Colin Clark). All these statements are disputable, since it is impossible to fix a maximum figure for taxes a priori. According to the principles of social justice, the extent of the tax burden is determined by the current requirements of the common good. The effects of very high taxes must, of course, be taken into consideration in the process. Confiscatory taxes which seize all rewards of business initiative have a paralyzing effect, inhibit capital formation, and discourage foreign capital. Demoralization also becomes a threat, since very high taxes lead to falsifications and lies (tax evasion). b) The tax burden is to be distributed according to the citizens’ ability to pay. It corresponds to the principle of distributive justice that the tax rate increase in a greater proportion than the increasing value of the taxable object in accordance with the principle of tax progression. But care must be taken here that personal initiative is not undermined. However, experience teaches that, in view of the complicated market conditions in modern society, it is not easy to realize the principle of distributive justice in the tax system. On the one hand, the different strata of the population are not taxable in the same way; it is easier, for example, to collect taxes from real estate property and from wage and salary earners than from the self-employed. On the other hand, the intended burden is more or less frustrated through the passing on of taxes. For whether taxes are passed on depends not only on the legislator, but also on those who currently hold positions of power in the markets. There are, of course, taxes which, in 139
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The subject of Church and democracy had already received the most extensive treatment in<br />
Paul VI's apostolic letter „Octogesima adveniens“ (1971) before „Sollicitudo rei socialis“<br />
and „Centesimus annus“; the Church's social teaching „does not intervene to authenticate a<br />
given structure or to propose a ready- made model, it does not thereby limit itself to recalling<br />
general principles“ (42). This general statement is explained in the light of the Church's position<br />
on I democracy; „Octogesima adveniens“ speaks of „the aspiration to equality and the<br />
aspiration to participation „(22) as „two forms of man's dignity.“ It draws the conclusion;<br />
„The two aspirations, to equality and to participation, seek to promote a democratic type of<br />
society. Various models are proposed, some are tried out, none of them gives complete satisfaction,<br />
and the search goes on between ideological and pragmatic tendencies.“(24)<br />
The direction is thus clear; Though there are different possibilities for different democratic<br />
systems to ensure equality and participation in keeping with the Church's concept of human<br />
dignity, the system sought should definitely be a democratic one.<br />
All of these postulations contain the qualification that whatever system of government is chosen<br />
it must „take account of the prevailing circumstances and the condition of the people; and<br />
these are things which vary in different places and at different times“ (Pacem in terris 68, see<br />
also Gaudium et spes 31.2; 74.5) This qualification takes account of specific historical obstacles<br />
on the road to democracy, albeit without losing sight of the objective. Thus it offers no<br />
alibi for the slow progress towards democracy in some developing countries, or for a transitional<br />
period in which to legitimize 'development dictatorships'. In „Sollicitudo rei socialis“<br />
and „Centesimus annus“ John Paul /I thoroughly denounces such justifications. He perceives<br />
in the lack of democratic conditions one of the main reasons for underdevelopment and therefore<br />
declares that certain countries „need to reform certain unjust structures and in particular<br />
their political institutions, in order to replace corrupt, dictatorial and authoritarian forms<br />
of government by democratic and participatory ones „, to be more specific, „the participation<br />
of all citizens in public affairs „, „the rule of law „,and“ respect for and promotion of human<br />
rights“; all this is, he said, „the necessary condition and sure guarantee for the development<br />
of 'the whole individual and of all people' „ („Sollicitudo rei socialis“, 44,4).<br />
To sum it up in the words of „Centesimus annus“; „The Church values the democratic system<br />
inasmuch as it ensures the participation of citizens in making political choices, guarantees to<br />
the governed the possibility of both of electing and holding accountable those who govern<br />
them, and of replacing them through peaceful means when appropriate. Thus she cannot encourage<br />
the formation of narrow ruling groups which usurp the power of the State for individual<br />
interests or for ideological ends“ (46.1).<br />
This of course does not apply to everything that is called 'democracy' but only to the „authentic<br />
democracy“ which „is possible only in a State ruled by law, and on the basis of a correct<br />
conception of the human person.“ This means that the Church dissociates itself from the assertion<br />
that „agnosticism and skeptical relativism are the philosophy and the basic attitude<br />
which correspond to democratic forms of political life“ (46,2). For „freedom attains its full<br />
development only by accepting the truth. In a world without truth, freedom loses its foundation<br />
and man is exposed to the violence of passion and to manipulation, both open and hidden<br />
(46.4) The 'authentic’ democracy and thus one approved by the Church is only possible on the<br />
basis of hyperpositive, pre-state and inalienable „human rights .“ Therefore it is „necessary<br />
for peoples. ..to give democracy an authentic and solid foundation through the explicit recognition<br />
of those rights“(47.1)<br />
138