Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
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f) Even if Scripture does recognize the importance and dignity of the state, it points out with<br />
great earnestness that the state can degenerate into an ungodly power. At the end of time, the<br />
„false prophet,“ the „beast come up out of the earth,“ will abuse political power for the purpose<br />
of terror: „It forced all men, small and great, rich and poor, slave and free, to accept a<br />
stamped image on their right hand or their forehead. Moreover, it did not allow a man to buy<br />
or sell anything unless he was first marked with the name of the beast or with the number that<br />
stood for its name“ (Rev l3:l6-l7). The idolization of the state is a real possibility in the absolute<br />
state; its biblical attribute is the „mouth for uttering proud boasts and blasphemies“ (Rev<br />
l3:5).<br />
Protestant social teaching, which, in contradistinction to the Catholic conception, understands<br />
itself exclusively as social theology and therefore rejects social philosophy, has in the course<br />
of history been very full of tensions and non-uniform in its statements. This fact is explained<br />
by the differences in starting point: Luther’s doctrine of the two kingdoms, Calvin’s Christocracy,<br />
the old-Lutheran doctrine of government, the doctrine of the orders of preservation,<br />
and so on. Whereas Protestant social ethics today sees a temporally conditioned expedient in<br />
Luther’s doctrine of the supreme ecclesiastical authority of the regional sovereign, which<br />
must be considered antiquated in modern secularized society, it recognizes two things in Luther’s<br />
doctrine of the state that are still important for our times: first, the interpretation of the<br />
state as a divine order of preservation („to work for your good“ [Rom l3:4]); second, the doctrine<br />
that state authorities are „officials of God“ and „masks of God“ behind which „God secretly<br />
rules the world.“ By asserting these doctrines, Protestants do not overlook, however,<br />
that the governmental authority can become an accessory to evil instead of preventing evil.<br />
2. The Socio-Philosophical Interpretation<br />
From a socio-philosophical point of view, the state is the highest social form of a people,<br />
grounded in natural law, serving the perfection of its earthly well-being, and resting on might<br />
and right. For a more detailed interpretation of this statement, Christian social teaching sets<br />
out from the following considerations:<br />
a) By his own power, man cannot „fully cultivate and develop all his faculties unto the praise<br />
and glory of his Creator“ (Quadragesimo anno, ll8). And since it is not self-sufficient, the<br />
family can in no way master all the necessities of life either. Numerous other communities are<br />
also necessary. We are therefore faced with a sheerly incalculable number of closely connected<br />
individuals - families, communities, companies, cultural institutions, and so on - whose<br />
multiple relations must be permeated by law, order, and security. For the fulfillment of this<br />
task, there is required at the top a secular social structure which, based on might and right,<br />
guarantees earthly well-being as the supreme expression and highest guardian of the common<br />
good in the best possible way. As this supreme social structure, the state should create the<br />
totality of presuppositions for a fruitful development of the individual, of smaller social circles,<br />
and of the entire society. State and society are thus not separate, but distinct. The dualism<br />
of state and society guarantees the freedom of man and the development of cultural domains.<br />
It protects us from the totalitarian power of the collective.<br />
b) As soon as the consciousness of political solidarity unites the people living in a given area<br />
(for instance, in a newly settled country), they form the corpus mysticum of the state, whereas<br />
an unordered mass of people „without physical and moral unity“ is not yet a corpus politicum.<br />
7 This consciousness of solidarity is indeed a spiritual and not a blind biological drive,<br />
but does not presuppose an explicit contract in order for the state to emerge. In this sense, the<br />
state is not a „human work,“ but „nature.“ 8 It is here that the essential difference between the<br />
7 F. Suarez, De Legibus, III, c. 2, n. 4.<br />
8 F. de Vitoria, De potestate civili (Getino), II:179<br />
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