Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis Joseph Cardinal Höffner CHRISTIAN SOCIAL ... - Ordo Socialis
a) Lack of Property and the Lack of Self-Reliance In the advanced industrial society, about eighty per cent of those working as laborers, officeworkers, and civil servants are not self-employed. Since these strata of the population scarcely possess any wealth, property has to a considerable degree lost its function of awakening and strengthening personal initiative and self-reliance. In order to eliminate this unfortunate state of affairs, leading men of the Catholic social movement have advocated for over a hundred years the participation of broad strata of employees in capital formation. In l847, Peter Franz Reichensperger thought that in this way factory workers would become aware „of working well or poorly, not merely for a third party, but also for themselves.“ A share of the capital would also „restore to them all those virtues and habits that distinguish those who possess property from the propertyless“ (Die Agrarfrage, 253ff). b) Lack of Property and the Lack of Economic Security In modern society, the economic security of more or less propertyless employees does not rest on private property. The complaint of the encyclical Quadragesimo anno, that the „immense multitude of the non-owning workers on the one hand and the enormous riches of certain very wealthy men on the other establish an unanswerable argument that the riches which are so abundantly produced in our age of ‘industrialism’, as it is called, are not rightly distributed“ (n. 60), is sharpened by Alexander Rüstow, an adherent of neoliberalism, when he writes: „That the distribution of wealth and income in our plutocratic economic order should have anything to do with social justice is something that probably no one today would seriously assert.“ In Germany, complaint is made above all that the considerable increase of wealth since the Second World War has, in spite of the ‘social market economy’, benefited the nonself-employed in a limited measure only, but rather has accrued to the state and to a relatively narrow strata of the self-employed. The result is that the employee without capital expects his or her economic security, not from private property, but from income and the system of social security. c) The Separation of Property and the Power of Disposal In wide realms of the modern economy, ownership of the means of production hardly means power of disposal and responsibility for the owner himself or herself. Exaggerating, Oswald von Nell-Breuning says: „The great and influential entrepreneur of today is no longer the man who brings forth a large capital and considerable means of production and employs them in an entrepreneurial way, but a man who assumes and in many cases usurps control of the production apparatus, factories, and whole complexes of enterprises which are not his own.“ If by „ownership“ one understands „the legal right of an owner to dispose of that which he calls his or her own,“ then one must say that „ownership thus understood has been defunctionalized in the most far-reaching manner.“ 66 d) Ownership of the Means of Production Against the thesis that private property is the guarantor of man’s freedom it is objected that in the industrial society ownership of the means of production confers social power and thus forces the employees into dependency on capital. 2. Six Forms of Ownership in Modern Society. A comparison of the great importance for the political order that attaches to private ownership under the actual conditions of ownership leads to the question of the manner in which idea and reality can be approximated to one another. The distribution of wealth is sound only when 66 O. v. Nell-Breuning, „Eigentum und Verfügungsgewalt in der modernen Gesellschaft,“ Gesellschaftspolitische Kommentare 3/17 (1956):4ff. 114
oad strata of the population possess so much that they do not fall into economic dependency either on other strata or on the state. That in no way means an indiscriminate leveling of persons or possessions, since greater or less personal initiative and thrift - along with many other factors - will always lead to differences of wealth. Here it is to be noted that in the industrial society property is in no way identical with capital assets, but appears in a sixfold form: a) Wage and Salary The employee most clearly experiences what it means ‘to have something as his or her own’ through wages or salary. Although this form of property is not very permanent, since for the most part it is spent in a short period of time for daily subsistence, it nevertheless forms the most important source for the employee from which all other forms of property must arise. b) Furniture, Household Equipment etc. The second kind of property is more permanent, namely, everything that people possess in their homes in the way of furniture, household equipment, and the like. Today a desire to save up in order to purchase these goods is discernible, and this target saving is in any case to be welcomed as opposed to the immediate expenditure of one’s entire income in the direct consumption of food and drink. Since the monetary reform, considerable property assets of this kind have been accumulated in German households. c) Savings Now as ever, savings in the narrower sense, be it a question of a savings account, a building and loan association, or the taking out of a life insurance policy, are also of importance. Nevertheless, money saving is more widespread among the middle class than among the working class. Thus, in the Federal Republic of Germany, for example, the savings quota of recipients of an average net income amounts to only three per cent compared with a savings quota of 8.5 per cent for all households together. Further, in the industrial society, money saving is mostly not a saving for times of need, but voluntary target saving for larger purchases and thus a postponement of consumption rather than a renunciation of consumption. Moreover, the devaluation of money weakens the desire to save. d) Legal Claim to Social Insurance Saving for times of need, which was a typical attitude of the nineteenth century, has become less important today because modern man depends on the system of ‘social security’ in sickness, unemployment, and disability, as well as old age, and this represents a fourth form of property or wealth in modern society, namely, the legal claim to social insurance. Since the benefits paid by social insurance are determined in a decisive way by prior contributions, claims to social insurance belong from a sociological point of view to the honestly acquired wealth of modern man insofar as they are conditioned by advance payments - a conception that the German Federal Social Court has upheld repeatedly. e) Housing Property The powerful secondary system of ‘social security’ should not, however, blind us to the fact that man can only gain a personal relation to property when he resolves to save through a decision of free will. The acquisition of one’s own home occupies a prominent place here, and thus we encounter a fifth form of property of extreme socio-political importance. Because of its long period of use, a middle position between genuine consumer goods and commercial investment goods attaches, as it were, to a home of one’s own. f) Stocks and Bonds Finally, among the different forms of property, there is participation in capital formation. Here one may well observe that, in general, none of the steps in the series should be skipped 115
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a) Lack of Property and the Lack of Self-Reliance<br />
In the advanced industrial society, about eighty per cent of those working as laborers, officeworkers,<br />
and civil servants are not self-employed. Since these strata of the population scarcely<br />
possess any wealth, property has to a considerable degree lost its function of awakening and<br />
strengthening personal initiative and self-reliance. In order to eliminate this unfortunate state<br />
of affairs, leading men of the Catholic social movement have advocated for over a hundred<br />
years the participation of broad strata of employees in capital formation. In l847, Peter Franz<br />
Reichensperger thought that in this way factory workers would become aware „of working<br />
well or poorly, not merely for a third party, but also for themselves.“ A share of the capital<br />
would also „restore to them all those virtues and habits that distinguish those who possess<br />
property from the propertyless“ (Die Agrarfrage, 253ff).<br />
b) Lack of Property and the Lack of Economic Security<br />
In modern society, the economic security of more or less propertyless employees does not rest<br />
on private property. The complaint of the encyclical Quadragesimo anno, that the „immense<br />
multitude of the non-owning workers on the one hand and the enormous riches of certain very<br />
wealthy men on the other establish an unanswerable argument that the riches which are so<br />
abundantly produced in our age of ‘industrialism’, as it is called, are not rightly distributed“<br />
(n. 60), is sharpened by Alexander Rüstow, an adherent of neoliberalism, when he writes:<br />
„That the distribution of wealth and income in our plutocratic economic order should have<br />
anything to do with social justice is something that probably no one today would seriously<br />
assert.“ In Germany, complaint is made above all that the considerable increase of wealth<br />
since the Second World War has, in spite of the ‘social market economy’, benefited the nonself-employed<br />
in a limited measure only, but rather has accrued to the state and to a relatively<br />
narrow strata of the self-employed. The result is that the employee without capital expects his<br />
or her economic security, not from private property, but from income and the system of social<br />
security.<br />
c) The Separation of Property and the Power of Disposal<br />
In wide realms of the modern economy, ownership of the means of production hardly means<br />
power of disposal and responsibility for the owner himself or herself. Exaggerating, Oswald<br />
von Nell-Breuning says: „The great and influential entrepreneur of today is no longer the man<br />
who brings forth a large capital and considerable means of production and employs them in an<br />
entrepreneurial way, but a man who assumes and in many cases usurps control of the production<br />
apparatus, factories, and whole complexes of enterprises which are not his own.“ If by<br />
„ownership“ one understands „the legal right of an owner to dispose of that which he calls his<br />
or her own,“ then one must say that „ownership thus understood has been defunctionalized in<br />
the most far-reaching manner.“ 66<br />
d) Ownership of the Means of Production<br />
Against the thesis that private property is the guarantor of man’s freedom it is objected that in<br />
the industrial society ownership of the means of production confers social power and thus<br />
forces the employees into dependency on capital.<br />
2. Six Forms of Ownership in Modern Society.<br />
A comparison of the great importance for the political order that attaches to private ownership<br />
under the actual conditions of ownership leads to the question of the manner in which idea<br />
and reality can be approximated to one another. The distribution of wealth is sound only when<br />
66<br />
O. v. Nell-Breuning, „Eigentum und Verfügungsgewalt in der modernen Gesellschaft,“ Gesellschaftspolitische<br />
Kommentare 3/17 (1956):4ff.<br />
114