The Trumpet Newspaper Issue 614 (January 10 - 23 2024)
South Africa to lead new military force in the Democratic Republic of Congo
South Africa to lead new military force in the Democratic Republic of Congo
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<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Africans now have a voice... Founded in 1995<br />
V O L 30 N O <strong>614</strong> J A N U A R Y <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
Democratic Republic of<br />
Congo's President<br />
- Félix Tshisekedi<br />
18 Africans<br />
honoured at<br />
GAB Awards<br />
London<br />
South Africa to<br />
lead new<br />
military force in<br />
the DRC: an<br />
expert on what<br />
it’s up against<br />
By Thomas Mandrup, Stellenbosch University<br />
Continued on Page 2><br />
Nigeria's Acting High Commissioner to UK -<br />
Ambassador Dr Cyprian Heen at the 25th<br />
Annual GAB Awards<br />
Eighteen distinguished sons and<br />
daughters of Africa, who have<br />
excelled in their various<br />
spheres of influence, were honoured<br />
at the 25 th Annual Gathering of<br />
Africa’s Best (GAB) Awards held in<br />
London recently.<br />
<strong>The</strong> GAB Award Recipients<br />
include: Governance Practitioner –<br />
Ms Bamidele Farinre; Former<br />
Managing Director of Nigerian<br />
Communications Satellite Ltd<br />
(NIGCOMSAT) – Dr Abimbola<br />
Alale; English Barrister and<br />
International Family Law expert – Dr<br />
Onyoja Momoh; Nigeria’s Ekiti State<br />
Government’s Director-General of<br />
Diaspora Relations - Barrister Mrs<br />
Adeola Adeleye-Fasubaa; and<br />
accomplished Scholar, Journalist and<br />
Media Practitioner – Dr Reuben<br />
Abati.<br />
Other recipients include: Nigeria<br />
Police Force’s Assistant Inspector-<br />
General and former Chairman of the<br />
Economic and Financial Crimes<br />
Commission (EFCC) – Ibrahim<br />
Magu; and Chair of Nigeria’s Senate<br />
Committee on Housing and Urban<br />
Development - Senator Aminu<br />
Tambuwal.<br />
Nigeria’s Acting High<br />
Commissioner to the United<br />
Kingdom – Ambassador Dr Cyprian<br />
Heen commended organisers for<br />
sustaining the Awards and implored<br />
all to continue to excel in their<br />
various areas.<br />
In a goodwill message to<br />
organisers, British Prime Minister –<br />
Continued on Page 4
Page2 <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
News<br />
South Africa to lead new military<br />
force in the DRC: an expert on<br />
what it’s up against<br />
Continued from Page 1<<br />
<strong>The</strong> United Nations peacekeeping<br />
mission in the Democratic<br />
Republic of Congo (DRC),<br />
Monusco, is ending after 20 years. It will<br />
be replaced by troops from the Southern<br />
African Development Community<br />
(SADC), led by the South African<br />
military. Thomas Mandrup, an expert in<br />
African security governance and South<br />
African military and foreign policy,<br />
recently wrote a paper on the subject. We<br />
asked him about the new mission and<br />
what awaits it.<br />
What prompted the deployment?<br />
<strong>The</strong> security situation in the eastern<br />
DRC has deteriorated in recent months,<br />
and criticism has been raised against the<br />
UN force, Monusco, which was due to<br />
start its drawdown shortly after the<br />
national elections on 20 December.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re was also increased frustration<br />
with the East African Community<br />
Regional Force because of its lack of<br />
positive impact on the security situation<br />
in the eastern DRC. In addition, there was<br />
competition between the East African<br />
Community and SADC Member States<br />
for future influence in the DRC.<br />
<strong>The</strong> DRC became a member of the<br />
East Africa Community in 2022 and has<br />
historical trade relations with east Africa.<br />
What challenges await the SADC<br />
mission?<br />
<strong>The</strong> SADC mission in the DRC –<br />
which carries the acronym (SAMIDRC)<br />
– is expected to replace the East African<br />
Community Regional Force and help the<br />
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national security forces in fighting<br />
especially the M<strong>23</strong> rebels, a group<br />
allegedly supported by Rwanda.<br />
<strong>The</strong> SADC force is expected to<br />
attempt, in cooperation with the local<br />
security forces, to neutralise the main<br />
rebel groups operating in the eastern<br />
DRC. This is something that Monusco<br />
and the East African Community<br />
Regional Force have not been able to do<br />
for the last 20 years.<br />
<strong>The</strong> rebel groups have operated in that<br />
area for many years, know the terrain,<br />
and are integrated with the local<br />
population.<br />
<strong>The</strong> lessons learned from the<br />
SADC/Monusco Force Intervention<br />
Brigade show that the new intervention<br />
force must be sizeable, and have proper<br />
<strong>The</strong> SADC mission in the DRC<br />
air cover as well as transport and air<br />
elements. It must also have Special<br />
Forces capabilities, and mobility in very<br />
difficult terrain. Also required are tactical<br />
and operational intelligence and enough<br />
fire-power.<br />
In addition, a SADC internal<br />
document is instructive: it says the<br />
regional force found it difficult to fulfil<br />
its mandate of disarming the Al-Sunnah<br />
insurgents in Mozambique because of a<br />
lack of a clear mandate and the necessary<br />
capabilities.<br />
What role will the South African<br />
National Defence Force play? What<br />
resources does it have?<br />
Post-apartheid South Africa has<br />
played a central role as a mediator and<br />
peacemaker in Africa. <strong>The</strong> DRC has been<br />
at the centre of these efforts. <strong>The</strong> South<br />
African National Defence Force will lead<br />
the SADC intervention force.<br />
However, the South African National<br />
Defence Force is overstretched and<br />
underfunded and has been for a long<br />
time.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is a discrepancy between what<br />
the politicians want it to do and the<br />
resources available for this. In addition,<br />
the South African government has<br />
increasingly used the military for<br />
domestic security and policing tasks<br />
while also deploying soldiers and<br />
equipment in complex international<br />
peace missions, including combat<br />
missions in the DRC and Mozambique<br />
and ad hoc shorter international<br />
deployments.<br />
<strong>The</strong> South African National Defence<br />
Force faces a host of challenges. <strong>The</strong><br />
politicians are seemingly unwilling to<br />
prioritise its tasks. Instead of releasing<br />
forces by closing one operation, the force<br />
is expected to handle an ever increasing<br />
number of tasks and deployments at the<br />
same time. Many of these are of a more<br />
civilian nature, such as sending out army<br />
engineers to stop the pollution of the Vaal<br />
River or protecting installations of<br />
Eskom, the power utility, without<br />
additional funding.<br />
<strong>The</strong> defence force has problems<br />
keeping its equipment operational and<br />
has, for instance, only one operational C-<br />
130 transport aircraft. It has only a few<br />
helicopters available for all domestic and<br />
international missions – five Oryx, out of<br />
an initial 39, and three Rooivalk, out of<br />
11.<br />
Hence it will not be able to provide<br />
the much-needed air transport and air<br />
cover for offensive operations. <strong>The</strong><br />
soldiers will have to use road transport in<br />
the DRC. But the country has very<br />
limited functional roads, making it<br />
especially difficult to operate and move<br />
around during the rainy season.<br />
<strong>The</strong> specialised elements and mobile<br />
elements, like the paratroops, the<br />
reconnaissance units and the Special<br />
Forces, which can be effective against<br />
Continued on Page 3
News<br />
JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
South Africa to lead new military<br />
force in the DRC: an expert on<br />
what it’s up against<br />
Page3<br />
Continued from Page 2<<br />
groups like the M<strong>23</strong>, are overstretched to<br />
such an extent that it negatively affects<br />
their operational readiness.<br />
<strong>The</strong> reserve force, in principle<br />
numbering 19,000, constitutes an<br />
important augmenting tool for the<br />
permanent force. Due to personnel<br />
shortages, the reserve force has<br />
increasingly been used for both domestic<br />
and international deployments.<br />
However, it is ageing and only at half<br />
its supposed strength. <strong>The</strong> average age of<br />
the personnel is 46 years old, which is a<br />
big operational challenge. Active soldiers<br />
should be young and fit. Ideally the<br />
majority of the force (private-level)<br />
should be 25 or younger. Officers and<br />
Non-Commissioned Officers will have a<br />
higher average age.<br />
<strong>The</strong> South African National Defence<br />
Force has reached a stage where it can no<br />
longer continue to deploy without<br />
significant additional funding and intake<br />
of recruits. <strong>The</strong> force will also have to<br />
take a critical look at its institutional<br />
structure and set-up. It has too many<br />
expensive senior officers, and too few<br />
young deployable soldiers.<br />
Continued on Page 4
Page4<br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> Group<br />
Field: 07956 385 604<br />
E-mail:<br />
info@the-trumpet.com<br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong>Team<br />
PUBLISHER / EDITOR-IN-CHIEF:<br />
’Femi Okutubo<br />
JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
GAB Awards<br />
18 Africans honoured at<br />
GAB Awards London<br />
Continued from Page 1<<br />
CONTRIBUTORS:<br />
Moji Idowu, Ayo Odumade,<br />
Steve Mulindwa<br />
SPECIAL PROJECTS:<br />
Odafe Atogun<br />
John-Brown Adegunsoye (Abuja)<br />
DESIGN:<br />
Xandydesigns@gmail.com<br />
ATLANTA BUREAU CHIEF:<br />
Uko-Bendi Udo<br />
3695 F Cascade Road #2140 Atlanta,<br />
GA 30331 USA<br />
Tel: +1 404 889 3613<br />
E-mail: uudo1@hotmail.com<br />
BOARD OF CONSULTANTS<br />
CHAIRMAN:<br />
Pastor Kolade Adebayo-Oke<br />
MEMBERS:<br />
Tunde Ajasa-Alashe<br />
Allison Shoyombo, Peter Osuhon<br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> (ISSN: 1477-3392)<br />
is published in London fortnightly<br />
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South Africa to lead new<br />
military force in the DRC: an<br />
expert on what it’s up against<br />
Continued from Page 3<<br />
From left - Dr Bilyamin Romo (who represented Senator Aminu Tambuwal), Mr & Mrs Femi Okutubo and AIG Ibrahim Magu<br />
Rishi Sunak said: “I was delighted to<br />
discover that the event is now in its Silver<br />
Jubilee, which since inception has<br />
recognised and rewarded the incredible<br />
talents of over 300 individuals and<br />
organisations, promoting a positive<br />
image of Africans around the world. This<br />
is a fantastic achievement, which all<br />
connected with the awards are rightly<br />
very proud of.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> Chairman and CEO of the<br />
Nigerians in Diaspora Commission<br />
(NIDCOM) – Hon. Abike Dabiri said: “I<br />
What are the risks?<br />
<strong>The</strong> risks are multi-faceted. If the<br />
needed funding is not secured, the troop<br />
contributing countries will have to fund<br />
the missions from their own budgets. <strong>The</strong><br />
SADC mission in Mozambique, for<br />
instance, has struggled with funding,<br />
which has hampered its operational<br />
capabilities.<br />
<strong>The</strong> next challenge is whether the<br />
SADC Member States will make the<br />
needed capabilities and equipment<br />
available to the new force, allowing it to<br />
successfully fulfil its mandate. <strong>The</strong><br />
discrepancy between what a mission<br />
needs and what is provided has been seen<br />
in Mozambique, negatively affecting the<br />
mission’s ability to achieve its<br />
congratulate and commend you for a<br />
great job. What you have been doing is<br />
amazing. I say with confidence that the<br />
GAB Awards is one of the very best<br />
programmes ever organised for the<br />
Diaspora Community and by the<br />
Diaspora Community. It has showcased<br />
the excellence of a lot of people in the<br />
Diaspora.”<br />
Founder of the GAB Awards and<br />
Publisher of <strong>Trumpet</strong> Media Group –<br />
‘Femi Okutubo stated that: “<strong>The</strong> GAB<br />
Awards has become an institution,<br />
operational objectives.<br />
In the operational area the new force<br />
will face an adversary allegedly<br />
supported by Rwanda. If the SADC force<br />
comes under-equipped or wrongly<br />
equipped, it increases the risk to the<br />
soldiers. <strong>The</strong> lessons learned from the<br />
strategic failure of the South African<br />
National Defence Force in 2013 in<br />
Central African Republic is a clear<br />
warning. <strong>The</strong>n a small bilateral South<br />
African training mission, augmented by<br />
a few hundred lightly armed special<br />
operation forces and paratrooper<br />
elements, fought a rebel force of 7,000<br />
for two days. A small airborne element<br />
was left stranded, facing an<br />
overwhelming enemy without air cover,<br />
logistical support, heavy equipment or<br />
extraction possibilities.<br />
showcasing the richness of our culture,<br />
the brilliance of our minds, and the<br />
strength of our collective spirit. It has<br />
become a platform for voices that<br />
resonate far and wide. We are proud to<br />
assert that the GAB Awards serves as a<br />
reminder that Africa’s future is bright,<br />
and its potential is limitless.”<br />
In inaugurating the maiden edition of<br />
the Future Gems cohort of the GAB<br />
Awards, Okutubo noted that: “We must<br />
nurture the dreams of the next generation,<br />
Continued on Page 15<<br />
It was only the bravery and skills of<br />
the deployed force that limited the<br />
number of casualties to 17. However, the<br />
mission was a strategic failure, which<br />
illustrated the limitation of the South<br />
African National Defence Force in<br />
logistically and practically supporting a<br />
force deployed several thousand<br />
kilometres away. Notably, the South<br />
African National Defence Force is in a<br />
worse shape than it was in 2013.<br />
* Thomas Mandrup is Associate<br />
Professor, Security Institute for<br />
Governance and Leadership In Africa<br />
(SIGLA), Stellenbosch University.<br />
This article is republished from <strong>The</strong><br />
Conversation under a Creative Commons<br />
license. Read the original article.
Food & Drink<br />
JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Coca-Cola in Africa: A long history<br />
full of unexpected twists and turns<br />
Page5<br />
By Sara Byala<br />
University of Pennsylvania<br />
Anew book called Bottled: How<br />
Coca-Cola Became African tells<br />
the story of how the world’s most<br />
famous carbonated drink conquered the<br />
continent. It’s a tale of marketing<br />
gumption and high politics and is the<br />
product of years of research by Critical<br />
Writing lecturer Sara Byala, who<br />
researches histories of heritage,<br />
sustainability and the ways in which<br />
capitalist systems intersect with social and<br />
cultural forces in Africa. We asked her<br />
some questions about the book.<br />
What do you hope readers will take<br />
away?<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are three main takeaways. <strong>The</strong><br />
first is that while Africa is largely absent<br />
from books on Coca-Cola, the company’s<br />
imprint on the continent is enormous. It is<br />
present in every nation. Most estimates put<br />
Coke as one of the largest private<br />
employers in Africa, if not the largest.<br />
Beyond official jobs, the company has<br />
been shown to have a multiplier effect that<br />
means that for each official job, upwards<br />
of <strong>10</strong> other people are supported.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second takeaway is that Coke’s<br />
story in Africa is an old one. It starts with<br />
its use of the West African kola nut, from<br />
which it takes its name (if no longer its<br />
source of caffeine). Arriving in Africa in<br />
the early 1900s, it’s a story that is deeply<br />
and, often surprisingly, entangled with key<br />
moments in African history. This includes<br />
the end of apartheid in South Africa and<br />
the advent of postcolonial African nations.<br />
Third, I want readers to see that while<br />
we may assume that a multinational<br />
company selling carbonated, sugary water<br />
is inherently a force for ill, both the history<br />
of Coke in Africa and my fieldwork<br />
suggest a far more complicated story.<br />
Coca-Cola is what it is today in Africa, I<br />
argue, because it became local. It bent to<br />
the will of Africans in everything from<br />
sport to music to healthcare. Its ubiquity<br />
thus tells us something about African<br />
engagement with a consumer product as<br />
well as the many ways in which ordinary<br />
people wield power.<br />
How did Coca-Cola first arrive in<br />
Africa?<br />
Coca-Cola doesn’t export a finished<br />
product from its corporate headquarters in<br />
the US. It sells a concentrate, which comes<br />
from a handful of locations around the<br />
globe, including Egypt and Eswatini. This<br />
concentrate is sold to licensed bottlers who<br />
then mix it with local forms of sugar and<br />
water before carbonating and bottling or<br />
canning it.<br />
Coca-Cola lore says that the company<br />
first secured local bottlers for its<br />
concentrate in South Africa in 1928, its<br />
first stop on the African continent. By<br />
combing through old newspapers, archival<br />
documents, and pharmaceutical<br />
publications, however, I found evidence to<br />
suggest that Coke may in fact have been<br />
sold in 1909 in Cape Town as a short-lived<br />
soda fountain endeavour. This is just <strong>23</strong><br />
years after the product was invented in<br />
Atlanta, Georgia.<br />
It was neither easy nor assured that<br />
Coca-Cola would take off anywhere in the<br />
world upon its arrival. <strong>The</strong> early chapters<br />
of my book detail the often ingenious<br />
lengths that bottlers had to go to, to get<br />
Coke off the ground. This included<br />
creating a new line of sodas to support the<br />
fledgling product called Sparletta. This<br />
includes green Creme Soda and Stoney<br />
ginger beer, both still available for<br />
purchase. Later chapters explore the routes<br />
by which the product spread across the<br />
continent, by detailing everything from the<br />
co-branding of petrol stations with Coca-<br />
Cola, to the rise of Coke beauty pageants,<br />
the birth of local forms of Coke<br />
advertising, the proliferation of Coca-Cola<br />
signage, and much more.<br />
What role did it play in apartheid<br />
South Africa?<br />
Coca-Cola was entrenched in South<br />
Africa before the advent of the racist,<br />
white minority apartheid State in 1948.<br />
While the company largely attempted to<br />
stay out of politics in South Africa, much<br />
as it did elsewhere in the world, it resisted<br />
certain “petty apartheid” rules. For<br />
example, the washrooms and lunchrooms<br />
in its plants were open to all ethnic groups,<br />
unlike the “whites only” facilities<br />
established under apartheid. A turning<br />
point came in the 1980s when, in tandem<br />
with activism in the US calling on the<br />
company to redress racial imbalances in<br />
America, the company was forced to reexamine<br />
its racial politics in South Africa<br />
as well.<br />
What followed was perhaps the most<br />
interesting chapter in the story of Coca-<br />
Cola in Africa. Breaking with established<br />
precedent, the company took a stance<br />
against the apartheid State. Coca-Cola<br />
executive Carl Ware led the way here.<br />
Under his direction, the company crafted a<br />
unique form of disinvestment that enabled<br />
it to do what no other company managed:<br />
keep the products in the country while<br />
depriving the apartheid State of tax<br />
revenue. To do this, the company sold all<br />
its holdings to a separate business that<br />
continued to sell Cokes. It then moved its<br />
concentrate plant to neighbouring<br />
Eswatini, leaving Coca-Cola with no<br />
assets or employees in South Africa.<br />
In part, this was possible because the<br />
company aligned itself with the African<br />
National Congress (ANC), making a host<br />
of moves to help to end apartheid. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
included meeting in secret with ANC<br />
leadership, funding clandestine meetings<br />
Coca-Cola (Pic by Matthew Bellemare - Wikimedia<br />
CCA Share Alike 3.0 Unported)<br />
between the ANC and businesspeople, and<br />
setting up a charitable fund headed by<br />
Archbishop Desmond Tutu to support<br />
Black educational empowerment. In the<br />
book, I document these activities for the<br />
first time with extensive interviews and<br />
archival material.<br />
It was during this era of disinvestment<br />
that Coca-Cola exploded within densely<br />
populated and remote parts of the country,<br />
providing on-ramps to economic<br />
participation for scores of South Africans<br />
that were later replicated with its global<br />
5x20 project to empower women in<br />
business.<br />
This spread in turn drove the<br />
consumption of liquid sugar to new<br />
heights, causing a host of other problems<br />
such as diabetes and dental cavities, which<br />
both the company and my book tackle too.<br />
What I demonstrate in the book is that<br />
Coca-Cola’s shrewd positioning at the end<br />
of apartheid allowed it to emerge, in the<br />
post-apartheid landscape, ready not only<br />
to renew business in South Africa, but also<br />
to reinvigorate its presence on the<br />
continent at large. <strong>The</strong> question is how to<br />
weigh this spread (and its attendant<br />
benefits) against the costs.<br />
* Sara Byala is a Senior Lecturer in<br />
Critical Writing at University of<br />
Pennsylvania.<br />
This article is republished from <strong>The</strong><br />
Conversation under a Creative Commons<br />
license. Read the original article.
Page6 <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong>
JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong> <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Page7
Page8 <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
Fashion<br />
Fostering sustainability in the<br />
Fashion Design industry<br />
Think of every time you dress up in<br />
those gorgeous clothes, we rarely<br />
consider where those clothes finally<br />
end up when we no longer fancy them, or<br />
become old or we decide to give them out.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fate of these once-admired pieces<br />
remains unknown, not to talk of the wastes<br />
and off-cuts from the fabric. Few fashion<br />
designers know where their once-upon-atime<br />
bespoke masterpiece designs or offcuts<br />
from their fabrics end up, especially<br />
among small and medium fashion<br />
designers. In an industry premised on<br />
growth, from big brands competing to<br />
deliver on low-price clothing to small and<br />
medium fashion designers striving for<br />
recognition; the consciousness and<br />
campaign for sustainability in fashion<br />
design needs to be loud.<br />
<strong>The</strong> production of every yard of textiles<br />
demands significant amounts of chemicals,<br />
water, energy, and other natural resources.<br />
Sewing those bespoke dresses leaves<br />
behind off-cuts that, most times, eventually<br />
end up in our landfill sites. Depending on<br />
the type of fabric, these off-cuts take years<br />
to decompose. While going through the<br />
decomposition process, textile materials<br />
generate greenhouse methane gas and leach<br />
toxic chemicals and dyes into the<br />
groundwater and our soil.<br />
While many big brands are working to<br />
reduce textile waste, small and medium<br />
fashion designers are also trying to make<br />
our environment and world better and safer.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir commitment to reducing the<br />
industry’s environmental footprint is<br />
evident in various initiatives. One such<br />
example is Oluwaseun Adeyemi, a fashion<br />
designer when she created a dress from offcuts<br />
and wastes of different textile materials<br />
she had accumulated over a period. This<br />
innovative repurposing not only showcases<br />
her creativity but also serves as a tangible<br />
example of sustainable fashion practices.<br />
As the fashion design industry evolves,<br />
the call for sustainability grows louder.<br />
From the ecological impact of textile<br />
production to the fate of discarded off-cuts,<br />
every aspect of the design process holds<br />
implications for our environment.<br />
Acknowledging the efforts of designers like<br />
Oluwaseun Adeyemi is crucial, as they<br />
inspire a shift toward sustainable practices<br />
and contribute to creating a greener, safer,<br />
and more responsible fashion industry.<br />
Dress made from wastes of Ankara<br />
fabric by Oluwaseun Adeyemi<br />
(Betrot Stitches & Crafts).<br />
Betrot Stitches & Crafts
Opinion<br />
<strong>2024</strong>: Looking Forward<br />
JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Page9<br />
It is a new year, a new month, a new<br />
day, and fittingly, this is the right<br />
moment to look backwards and to<br />
the future. One of the major planks of<br />
received wisdom is that the past is linked<br />
to the present and both offer indications<br />
about the future and that is precisely<br />
where we are at this moment, that Janus<br />
moment of transition, the very<br />
significance of the new month. <strong>January</strong><br />
is named after the Roman God, Janus,<br />
who has two faces, and a set of four eyes<br />
looking in two different directions. And<br />
so, let us begin by looking back at the<br />
year 20<strong>23</strong> with domestic lenses.<br />
For me, four things stood out in<br />
Nigeria in 20<strong>23</strong>. <strong>The</strong> first is the fact that<br />
it was the year of Nigeria’s seventh<br />
general elections since the return to<br />
democracy in 1999, and thus represented<br />
a major test for the democratic process<br />
in the country. It was a test for the<br />
electoral framework, and the institutions<br />
in charge of the management of the<br />
electoral process; the Independent<br />
National Electoral Commission (INEC),<br />
political parties, the security agencies,<br />
the judiciary, and the civil society,<br />
including the media. Expectations were<br />
particularly high among Nigerians in the<br />
lead up to the elections, especially with<br />
much hope invested in the review of the<br />
Electoral Act 20<strong>10</strong>, which birthed the<br />
Electoral Act 2022.<br />
<strong>The</strong> new Act was different in many<br />
significant parts, such as Section 3(3)<br />
which requires that electoral funds<br />
should be released at least a year before<br />
the next election date; Section 29(1)<br />
which provides that Party primaries and<br />
submission of candidates be done at least<br />
180 days before the election date;<br />
Sections 47 and 50 which provide legal<br />
backing for the use of technology for<br />
voter accreditation and electronic<br />
transmission of results; Section 54(2) on<br />
the rights of persons with disability in<br />
need of special care to vote and be voted<br />
for; Section 62 which gives legal<br />
backing for INEC to maintain an<br />
electronic register of votes; Section 65<br />
which says INEC can review results<br />
declared by any Returning Officer under<br />
duress within seven days. Other new<br />
aspects of Electoral Act 2022 can be<br />
found in Sections 8(5), 27, 29(5), 34,<br />
84(12), 88 (2-7) and 94. <strong>The</strong>se<br />
amendments generated so much<br />
excitement that at least one retired<br />
Resident Electoral Commissioner made<br />
media rounds proclaiming with<br />
prophetic candour that the new Act<br />
would be a “a game changer”, and that<br />
the introduction of the Bi-Modal Voters<br />
Accreditation System (BVAS) and the<br />
INEC Report Viewing Portal (IREV)<br />
were technological measures that would<br />
prove to be stronger than the Titanic, that<br />
is “unsinkable.” Elections were held on<br />
February 25 (Presidential and National<br />
Assembly), March 11 (gubernatorial and<br />
state Houses of Assembly) and<br />
November 11, viz the off-cycle<br />
Gubernatorial elections in three States -<br />
Imo, Kogi and Bayelsa. Long before the<br />
November 11 elections, our enthusiastic<br />
promoter of the new Electoral Act had<br />
quietly vanished from the media space.<br />
He wisely removed himself, because<br />
Electoral Act 2022 did not change the<br />
game, and the introduction of<br />
technology failed in a manner worse<br />
than the Titanic.<br />
<strong>The</strong> usual factors that had always<br />
abbreviated the integrity of Nigeria’s<br />
electoral process proved resilient: there<br />
was violence across the States, the<br />
exploitation of religion and ethnicity,<br />
attempts at voter manipulation,<br />
suppression, vote buying by political<br />
actors, the rhetoric of hate, open<br />
disregard for the peace accords<br />
midwifed by General Abdusalam<br />
Abubakar’s National Peace Committee,<br />
late arrival of voting materials, poor coordination<br />
between INEC and other<br />
agencies involved in election<br />
management. INEC mismanaged the<br />
technology that it promised, swelling<br />
controversies about integrity and<br />
accountability. INEC’s excuse was<br />
“technological glitches. <strong>The</strong> people<br />
regarded this as an excuse for<br />
manipulation. Voter apathy was rife - for<br />
the Presidential election, voter turnout<br />
was 27%, about the lowest since 1999.<br />
<strong>The</strong> declared winner of the Presidential<br />
election, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All<br />
Progressives Congress (APC) won with<br />
8.8 million votes, representing less than<br />
<strong>10</strong>% of the record 93 million Nigerians<br />
who registered to vote. In terms of<br />
outcome, women representation in<br />
elective office was also poor. Many<br />
Nigerians however would further<br />
remember four things in the 20<strong>23</strong><br />
electoral process: Tinubu’s campaign<br />
slogan – “Emilokan” (it is my turn), the<br />
Obidient Movement which proved to be<br />
resilient, the dis-embowelling of the<br />
People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and<br />
what turned out to be the muchcriticised,<br />
controversial role of the<br />
BY REUBEN ABATI<br />
judiciary. Nigerians are entering a new<br />
year with the hangover of the electoral<br />
experience of 20<strong>23</strong>.<br />
<strong>The</strong> second stand-out issue of 20<strong>23</strong><br />
was the poor state of the economy. <strong>The</strong><br />
statistics as collated and published by the<br />
National Bureau of Statistics and other<br />
agencies, including <strong>The</strong> World Bank<br />
largely confirmed how Nigeria in 20<strong>23</strong><br />
was a victim of stagflation, and<br />
multidimensional poverty. In the first<br />
half of 20<strong>23</strong>, GDP growth was 2.4%,<br />
rising to about 2.8% by the end of the<br />
second half. In June 20<strong>23</strong>, inflation rate<br />
was 22.79%, by November 20<strong>23</strong>, it was<br />
already 28.22% compared to 21,34% in<br />
December 2022. Food inflation was a<br />
major problem: 32.84% as of November<br />
20<strong>23</strong>, following an increasing trend year<br />
on year. <strong>The</strong> heterodox policies adopted<br />
by the Federal Government did not help<br />
the people. <strong>The</strong> Central Bank of<br />
Nigeria’s wrong-headed introduction of<br />
new Naira notes of N200, N500, and<br />
N1,000 resulted in cash scarcity, the<br />
scarcity of everything else and hardship.<br />
<strong>The</strong> government complained about poor<br />
revenue, the people groaned. Fuel price<br />
was N191 per litre in December 2022.<br />
On May 29, 20<strong>23</strong>, President Tinubu on<br />
the day of his inauguration as President<br />
announced that “fuel subsidy has been<br />
removed… it is gone”. This spontaneous<br />
declaration further compounded the<br />
people’s woes, driving the cost of petrol<br />
per litre to N626. Salaries have not been<br />
increased. More jobs have not been<br />
created.<br />
<strong>The</strong> government says its plan is to<br />
obey the law, the Petroleum Industry Act<br />
(2021) which the Buhari administration<br />
failed to implement in full as the law<br />
requires. <strong>The</strong> Tinubu administration also<br />
argues that the removal of fuel subsidy<br />
will curb inefficiency and corruption and<br />
generate more revenue for the<br />
government. Many economists attest to<br />
the fact more money has been saved as a<br />
result of subsidy removal, hence the<br />
sharp increase in federal allocations to<br />
the States. But how has this impacted on<br />
the people? What the people see is the<br />
conspicuous consumption by their<br />
elected representatives at both national<br />
and sub-national levels, while the people<br />
wallow in abject poverty. <strong>The</strong> Tinubu<br />
administration also harmonized the<br />
Continued on Page <strong>10</strong> >
Page<strong>10</strong> <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
Opinion<br />
Continued from Page 9<<br />
foreign exchange rate, but the naira has<br />
continued on a downward spiral against<br />
the dollar, even when the dollar is in a<br />
weak state. Budget <strong>2024</strong> has been<br />
pegged at N800/$1 whereas on<br />
December 17, 20<strong>23</strong>, the CBN<br />
announced a new exchange rate of<br />
N951/$1, and by December 20<strong>23</strong>, the<br />
parallel market rate was N1,<strong>23</strong>3/$1.<br />
Capital importation in 20<strong>23</strong> was low,<br />
with 27 States of the Federation getting<br />
zero FDI. Many companies have left<br />
Nigeria – GSK, P&G, Sanofi, Unilever,<br />
Bolt Food, and Jumia, due to a poor<br />
operating environment.<br />
<strong>The</strong> irony is that since the<br />
assumption of office, President Tinubu<br />
has been very active wooing investors<br />
from all over the world to come to the<br />
Nigerian market. His key economic<br />
managers: Minister of Finance - Wale<br />
Edun and CBN Governor - Yemi<br />
Cardoso have been most emphatic in<br />
reminding Nigerians that the Buhari<br />
administration left Nigeria in a miserable<br />
economic state. <strong>The</strong> country’s public<br />
debt stock for example was N49.85<br />
trillion in Q1 20<strong>23</strong>, by the end of Q2, it<br />
had risen to N87.38 trillion indicating a<br />
growth rate 75.27% on a quarter-onquarter<br />
basis. Yet, in the <strong>2024</strong> budget,<br />
Nigeria is planning to borrow more! <strong>The</strong><br />
economic crisis that Nigeria faces was<br />
driven home on Friday, December 29,<br />
when as President Tinubu’s long and<br />
conspicuous convoy made its way to the<br />
Lagos Central Mosque, the hapless<br />
people of Lagos kept shouting: “Ebi n<br />
pa wa o” (We are hungry!). It was a<br />
telling moment, underscoring the richpoor<br />
social gap in Nigeria.<br />
<strong>The</strong> third issue is the insecurity in the<br />
land. Nigerians had voted for General<br />
Muhammadu Buhari with the firm belief<br />
that he being a military general and a<br />
war hero would be able to take the war to<br />
the bandits, insurgents and terrorists<br />
<strong>2024</strong>: Looking Forward<br />
making life impossible in many parts of<br />
the country: terrorism in the North East,<br />
insurgency in the North Central, crude<br />
oil theft in the Niger Delta, illegal<br />
mining in the North West, kidnapping<br />
and agitations in the South East and<br />
South West. Buhari’s spokespersons<br />
including those who went about with the<br />
specious title of Buharists kept selling<br />
the lie that the government had<br />
decimated terrorists. <strong>The</strong> truth is that the<br />
Buhari administration left the country in<br />
a worse state security-wise than it met it.<br />
As events unfolded, the year came to an<br />
end with attacks on over 50 communities<br />
in Plateau State Local Government<br />
Areas of Bokkos, Mangu and Barkin<br />
Ladi on Christmas eve and on Christmas<br />
Day and after. It was reported that about<br />
200 people were killed, over 300 were<br />
injured, over <strong>10</strong>,000 were displaced,<br />
becoming refugees in their own country.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re have also been reports of attacks<br />
in Zamfara and Taraba States. For more<br />
than two decades, Nigerians have not<br />
been able to enjoy the full benefits of<br />
Section 14 (2b) of the 1999 Constitution<br />
which says that “the purpose of<br />
government shall be the security and<br />
welfare of the people”. <strong>The</strong> sad thing is<br />
that for decades, the Nigerian<br />
government set up so many judicial<br />
commissions of inquiry on the crisis on<br />
the Plateau beginning with Justice<br />
Fiberesima Commission 1994, Justice<br />
Niki Tobi 2001, Justice Bola Ajibola<br />
2009, the Justice Disu Commission and<br />
the Sankey Commission. <strong>The</strong>re have<br />
also been similar interventions such as<br />
the Presidential Peace Initiative<br />
Committee on Plateau State 2004, the<br />
Plateau Peace Conference 2004, and the<br />
Presidential Advisory Committee on the<br />
Jos Crisis. What happened to the<br />
findings and recommendations? Why<br />
has nothing changed? Why is the<br />
situation deteriorating? <strong>The</strong> Jos Council<br />
of Traditional Rulers had to cancel the<br />
celebration of Christmas 20<strong>23</strong> in<br />
Plateau. State. <strong>The</strong> people entered the<br />
new year on a note of grief and sadness.<br />
<strong>The</strong>ir grief was compounded by the<br />
strange explanation by the Defence<br />
Headquarters that it indeed received over<br />
30 distress calls before and during the<br />
carnage, but the troops could not<br />
intervene because the terrain was<br />
difficult. <strong>The</strong> same terrain where<br />
criminals operated freely for hours and<br />
days? <strong>The</strong> Inspector General of Police<br />
has since deployed a team led by a<br />
Deputy Inspector General (DIG) to<br />
investigate what happened. Medicine<br />
after death! <strong>The</strong> strangest of all was the<br />
Commander of Operation Safe Haven,<br />
having the temerity to tell the grieving<br />
people of Plateau State that it was the<br />
devil’s handiwork, and that the situation<br />
could have been worse, the military was<br />
overwhelmed. Thus, “Operation Safe<br />
Haven” has not been able to provide any<br />
safety in Plateau State, and to see that a<br />
military General would be so dumb as to<br />
blame the Devil points to the height of<br />
insensitivity.<br />
<strong>The</strong> fourth major issue in 20<strong>23</strong> is the<br />
lack of trust and confidence in the<br />
government by the people of Nigeria.<br />
<strong>The</strong> people are alienated from those who<br />
govern them and the reason is not far to<br />
seek. At a time, the government of the<br />
day has been calling on the people as<br />
“heirs of the commonwealth” to make<br />
sacrifices and work together with<br />
government to move the country<br />
forward, people are miffed to see people<br />
in government not willing to make any<br />
sacrifice. President Tinubu has promised<br />
the people “Renewed Hope” but he is<br />
running the most bloated government<br />
since 1999. <strong>The</strong> National Assembly has<br />
increased Budget <strong>2024</strong> with N1.2 trillion<br />
bringing the new total to N28.7 trillion.<br />
<strong>The</strong> lawmakers are obviously more<br />
interested in their own perks and<br />
privileges. Two per cent of the budget is<br />
ear-marked for education in a country<br />
where there are over 20.1 million<br />
children out of school. <strong>The</strong> allocation for<br />
sports development is a paltry N31.24<br />
billion – 0.11% of the Budget.<br />
Meanwhile, the lawmakers have<br />
earmarked N12.12 billion as take-off<br />
grant for the National Assembly library<br />
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complex, and N3 billion for library<br />
books – a library that they have no<br />
intention of visiting; books that they may<br />
never read! <strong>The</strong>y also want to build a car<br />
park with N3 billion. Nigerians have<br />
every reason to be angry. Leadership<br />
should be about service not self-interest,<br />
pursued with unbridled greed.<br />
It is just as well that the President has<br />
acknowledged the people’s pains. In his<br />
New Year broadcast, he said inter alia:<br />
“I am well aware that for some time<br />
now, the conversations and debates have<br />
centred on the rising cost of living, high<br />
inflation which is now above 28% and<br />
the unacceptable high underemployment<br />
rate. From the board rooms<br />
at Broad Street in Lagos to the main<br />
streets of Kano and Nembe creeks in<br />
Bayelsa, I hear the groans of Nigerians<br />
who work hard every day to provide for<br />
themselves and their families. I am not<br />
oblivious to the expressed and<br />
sometimes unexpressed frustrations of<br />
my fellow citizens. I know for a fact that<br />
some of our compatriots are even asking<br />
if this is how our administration wants<br />
to renew their hope.” It is good to know<br />
that the President knows what the people<br />
are going through. It is important for him<br />
to know that as they enter a new year, the<br />
people also have high expectations,<br />
meeting those expectations should be the<br />
government’s priority in <strong>2024</strong> to bridge<br />
the gap of alienation and rebuild trust<br />
and confidence.<br />
<strong>The</strong> people want the high cost of<br />
living reduced. <strong>The</strong> President must<br />
remember the people’s chorus on his<br />
way to the Central Mosque in Lagos<br />
(“Ebi n pa wa”). Governments at all<br />
levels must address the scourge of food<br />
inflation. Every step must be taken to<br />
create an enabling environment for<br />
businesses to flourish, and for the<br />
economy to become productive. <strong>The</strong><br />
government must also tackle high<br />
corruption, not by harassing people but<br />
by setting up processes and mechanisms<br />
to check it. <strong>The</strong> report of the CBN<br />
independent investigator must not be<br />
swept under the carpet. <strong>The</strong> investigator<br />
may have gone beyond his brief by<br />
making specific recommendations - that<br />
task should have been left to the office<br />
of the Attorney General of the<br />
Federation or a committee set up for that<br />
purpose. Nonetheless, government must<br />
take a look at the findings. <strong>The</strong><br />
conversation about electoral reform,<br />
constitutional amendments is already ongoing.<br />
<strong>The</strong> National Assembly must be<br />
encouraged to embark on that task very<br />
early, far ahead of the next round of<br />
general elections. <strong>The</strong> professional<br />
political class and civil society must act<br />
as opposition and play their part as true<br />
“heirs of the commonwealth”.<br />
Government must step up the war<br />
against insecurity. <strong>The</strong> New Year has<br />
started. Time waits for no one.
JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong> <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Page11
Page12 <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
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Page13
Page14 <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
Opinion<br />
Osun APC and some hard<br />
home truths – (1)<br />
Olajumoke Ogunkeyede is a<br />
leader of the All Progressives<br />
Congress (APC) in Osun State.<br />
JMK, as Ogunkeyede is popularly<br />
called, was also a chieftain of the nowrested<br />
National Democratic Coalition<br />
(NADECO). He participated actively in<br />
putting an end to military rule and the<br />
enthronement of democracy in Nigeria.<br />
In a chance encounter with yours<br />
sincerely recently, JMK has these to say<br />
on the State of Osun APC:<br />
“I am not a member of the People’s<br />
Democratic Party (PDP) and I try not to<br />
dabble into the running of Osun PDP.<br />
But, with the current situation of things,<br />
there’s no doubting the fact that we need<br />
to rejig the opposition APC in the State<br />
if we are going to challenge the current<br />
government. We must create structures<br />
that will help put our house in order.<br />
Politically, our house is not in order. If<br />
we are going to challenge PDP in the<br />
next Osun Governorship election, we<br />
should be doing more than what we are<br />
doing presently.<br />
“<strong>The</strong> fact that a lot of people are<br />
running after former Governor<br />
(Gboyega) Oyetola does not resolve the<br />
quagmire into which we have fallen in<br />
Osun. Charity is said to begin at home.<br />
<strong>The</strong> leadership should do its best to<br />
make sure that we are not just sitting on<br />
the fence. Whether we like it or not,<br />
Otunba Olajumoke Ogunkeyede<br />
(Ademola) Adeleke’s government is there<br />
and we will just keep complaining,<br />
unless we are able to get our house in<br />
order.<br />
“With the way Osun APC is going<br />
about resolving its internal dynamics, it’s<br />
like we are feeling that, because Asiwaju<br />
Bola Tinubu is in Abuja, we will win. No!<br />
Tinubu will only do his best for the Party.<br />
But his responsibility is to the whole<br />
nation and whatever he is able to do will<br />
be minuscule, compared to what he<br />
would do were he not to be the President<br />
of Nigeria. To this end, we should begin<br />
to get our people ready so that in the<br />
next election, we are fully prepared<br />
because, from the look of things, we are<br />
not yet prepared. As things stand, the<br />
falcon doesn’t seem to hear the falconer.<br />
In Osun APC, the centre is not holding.<br />
And we are complacent, thinking that it<br />
will be good. Of course, that’s the<br />
concept of miracle. We can’t fold our<br />
arms, thinking that manna will fall from<br />
heaven. We can sit down under a makebelieve<br />
canopy of ‘it’s done’. <strong>The</strong> way<br />
things stand, nothing is done.<br />
“Yes, President Tinubu is known to<br />
be a strategist. But he needs that strategy<br />
for the nation. He would have done a lot<br />
to push the nation up and that may have<br />
a positive effect on the electioneering<br />
processes in 2026 but, according to an<br />
adage, ‘it is a child that raises his hand<br />
that will be picked up’. We cannot<br />
depend on him doing it alone. It will be<br />
a huge joke if we are expecting him to do<br />
it for us at all costs. Already, he is doing<br />
it for us by being the President. Or do we<br />
expect him to move Aso Rock to Osogbo<br />
because his Party is contesting an<br />
election? <strong>The</strong> more reason we must<br />
struggle hard to complement his efforts.<br />
If the election is in 2026; and this is<br />
20<strong>23</strong>, what are we waiting for? We have<br />
not done much to reposition our people.<br />
We have not done anything in the area of<br />
empowerment. Yes, we are criticizing the<br />
ruling party, but it should be more than<br />
that. For now, we are an empty mouth,<br />
just clanging and making noise. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
should be substance to the noise-making.<br />
If we focus too much on what the PDP is<br />
doing, that’s good. But that won’t help<br />
the APC. Rather, the opposition should<br />
have its strategy to counter and subdue<br />
the antics of the ruling party before,<br />
during, even after the election.<br />
“Truth be told, Osun APC is not yet<br />
ready for the next election. Otherwise,<br />
one is never ready by word of mouth.<br />
Empowerment should begin right now to<br />
be able to face the tedious challenges of<br />
electioneering, instead of hoping that,<br />
from Ile-Ogbo to Ila-Orangun, and from<br />
Orile-Owu to Ilase-Ijesa, we would win.<br />
“In 2022, Osun PDP caught the then<br />
Party in power by surprise. Though<br />
what’s done cannot be undone again, the<br />
way out is adequate preparation. PDP<br />
had never had it so good like the 2022<br />
Governorship election. Although the<br />
enemy within made it possible for that to<br />
happen, the fear I have now is that we<br />
still have some members of the PDP who<br />
are diabolical and may still infiltrate our<br />
Party. I was looking at the list of those<br />
that were suspended or expelled. Some<br />
names were still missing there. So, we<br />
should shine our eyes and make sure that<br />
we are prepared for the election.”<br />
JMK has said it all; and a word is<br />
enough for the wise!<br />
Surely certainly, politics as a<br />
vocation has a way of mesmerizing its<br />
adherents. While one is not attempting<br />
to be adventurous as to how Osun APC<br />
decides its destiny, that there’s an urgent<br />
need for political retooling or<br />
reengineering is no longer news. To get<br />
the Party back to the market, there<br />
should be a commitment to seeking the<br />
cause in order to prevent reoccurrence.<br />
Of course, this is no time to engage in<br />
the trappings of politics or dirge of selfpity.<br />
Instead, a moment like this calls for<br />
a reappraisal of how the party got to this<br />
pass. So, let those in need of penance<br />
establish a framework for it with<br />
penitent hearts and let those who think<br />
BY ABIODUN<br />
KOMOLAFE<br />
no one else matters in the affairs of the<br />
party pursue a critical political thinking<br />
that’s consistent with the dynamic<br />
changes in the world we live in.<br />
In the light of truth, nobody is an<br />
island. No one is also blameless.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, a recalibration of the Party’s<br />
politics and needs is a viable option.<br />
Those who have no direction shouldn’t<br />
delight in elevating peculiar interests<br />
over and above everybody. Those who<br />
ate all the honey and have relocated to<br />
Abuja, struggling to be attached to<br />
somewhere must be made to account for<br />
the roles they played or failed to play<br />
while the honeymoon lasted.<br />
If you ask Nigerians, heaping the loss<br />
of the 2022 governorship election solely<br />
at the doorstep of Rauf Aregbesola is a<br />
tale long stale. Yes, Aregbesola’s factor<br />
might have done a lot to July 16, 2022,<br />
but it’s time the gladiators invoked<br />
critical, self-introspection to find out<br />
why their treasured Party missed the<br />
mark. For instance, was Aregbesola<br />
responsible for the party’s loss in<br />
Boluwaduro, a Local Government with<br />
only <strong>10</strong> Wards but having the immediate<br />
past State Chairman and more than 20<br />
other high-ranking leaders and first-rate<br />
political appointees in its kitty? Was it<br />
Aregbesola who made it lose in Ila-<br />
Orangun where Bisi Akande and other<br />
Party bigwigs came from? What about<br />
the shallow and hollow fries who<br />
pretended to be big birds: those who<br />
were adequately mobilized for the<br />
election but ended up losing even their<br />
Polling Units? Should we start<br />
mentioning the names of those who were<br />
pursuing vanity and pride which<br />
eventually left the Party in torments?<br />
Have they been sanctioned for their<br />
unprofitable adventure?<br />
Let’s face the truth: to say that<br />
Aregbesola was the reason APC lost the<br />
Osun Governorship election in all the<br />
three Senatorial Districts is to say that<br />
‘Ogbeni’ was the most powerful person<br />
in the Party and that, without him,<br />
nothing could be done. Unknown to<br />
Osun APC, the political strength and<br />
influence that the former Governor<br />
himself may never possess have already<br />
been ascribed to him, freely.<br />
To be continued.
GAB Awards<br />
JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
18 Africans honoured at GAB<br />
Awards London<br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Page15<br />
Continued from Page 4<<br />
inspiring them to reach for the stars and<br />
contribute to the continued growth and<br />
prosperity of our beloved continent. <strong>The</strong><br />
GAB Awards – Future Gems showcases<br />
an array of talents and future gems under<br />
the age of 35.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> GAB Awards which was<br />
instituted in 1999 by UK-based <strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Media Group to combat the negative<br />
stereotypes against Africa and Africans<br />
around the globe, rewards excellence<br />
among those contributing to the positive<br />
image of Africa and Africans around the<br />
world.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 25 th Annual GAB Awards was<br />
held at the Hilton London Kensington<br />
and guests included the Mayor of<br />
Southwark – Councillor Michael Situ and<br />
the Mayoress – Mrs Itunu Ajeigbe;<br />
Southwark Councillor – Sunny Lambe;<br />
Publisher of African Voice – Prince &<br />
Mrs Mike Abiola; Chair of <strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Media’s Board of Advisers – Pastor<br />
Kolade Adebayo-Oke; GAB Patrons –<br />
Otunba and Princess Femi Adenuga;<br />
Youth Empowerment Motivational<br />
Speaker – Jackson Ogunyemi (a.k.a<br />
Action Jackson); Singer and Songwriter<br />
– Ben Ofoedu; and Producer, Singer and<br />
Songwriter – Kule T.<br />
'Femi Okutubo - Founder of the GAB Awards<br />
Continued on Page 16><br />
AIG Ibrahim Magu receives his Award Plaque from London Borough of Southwark Councillor - Sunny Lambe<br />
<strong>The</strong> GAB Awards 20<strong>23</strong> recipients are:<br />
GAB Excellence<br />
1. Barrister Mrs Adeola Adeleye-Fasubaa - Community<br />
Cohesion<br />
2. Ms Remi Bisi Oke Amusan - Health<br />
3. Ms Esther Fajoye (MBE) - Social Work<br />
4. Mr Babatunde Falode - Philanthropy<br />
5. Ms Bamidele Farinre - Governance<br />
6. Hon. Mrs Patricia Kenneth-Divine - Diplomacy & Protocol<br />
7. Mrs Joy Ogeh-Hutfield - Coaching<br />
8. Prof. Isaac Ojutalayo - Facilities Management<br />
9. Shoggy Shoggz - Entertainment<br />
<strong>10</strong>. Dr Reuben Abati - Media<br />
11. Dr Onyoja Momoh - Law<br />
12. Dr Abimbola Alale - Satellite Technology<br />
13. Al Mustapha Liman - Information Technology<br />
FUTURE GEM AWARD<br />
14. All Things Christian - Community Cohesion<br />
15. Mr David Laditi - Youth Development<br />
16. Ms Anjola Adebowale - Technology<br />
PLATINUM AWARD<br />
17. AIG Ibrahim Mustafa Magu - Anti-Corruption<br />
18. Senator Aminu W Tambuwal (CFR) - Law Making
Page16 <strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> JANUARY <strong>10</strong> - <strong>23</strong> <strong>2024</strong><br />
GAB Awards<br />
18 Africans honoured at GAB<br />
Awards London<br />
Continued from Page 15<<br />
<strong>The</strong> 25th GAB Awards Recipients<br />
Ben Ofoedu, Femi Okutubo, Ronnie Ajoku, Kule T and Steve Mulindwa<br />
Mayor of Southwark - Cllr Michael Situ and the Mayoress - Mrs Ajeigbe<br />
<strong>The</strong> GAB Awards was fun-packed<br />
AIG Ibrahim Magu giving his Acceptance Speech at<br />
the 25th GAB Awards in London<br />
Nigeria's Acting High Commissioner to UK -<br />
Ambassador Dr Cyprian Heen at the 25th Annual GAB<br />
Awards<br />
<strong>The</strong><strong>Trumpet</strong> is published in London fortnightly by <strong>Trumpet</strong><br />
Field: 07956 385 604 E-mail: info@the-trumpet.com (ISSN: 1477-3392)