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Frontline Pakistan : The Struggle With Militant Islam - Arz-e-Pak

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<strong>Frontline</strong> <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong><br />

per cent of charitable donations made by <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>i individuals and<br />

business corporations went to the religious institutions. Though most<br />

donors did not support the politics of religious parties, they felt that<br />

<strong>Islam</strong>ic education and the preservation of <strong>Islam</strong> were the most worthy<br />

choice for their donations. Many religious leaders who ran the <strong>Islam</strong>ic<br />

seminaries had strong links in Arab countries that went back to the<br />

Afghan jihad. For many it had become a ‘status symbol’ to receive<br />

funding from foreign sources.<br />

Muslims in Britain had been one of the largest donors to the<br />

<strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>i <strong>Islam</strong>ic institutions and Muslim militant groups, some of<br />

whom had been declared terrorists and outlawed by <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>’s<br />

military government. UK-based charities were the main financiers for<br />

<strong>Islam</strong>ic groups. Diversion of funds for educational and humanitarian<br />

projects to the <strong>Islam</strong>ic militant groups had become a normal practice.<br />

‘It is difficult to separate finances for terror from those for charity,’<br />

said the ICG report. LeT and JeM, reportedly collected more than £5<br />

million each year in mosques in Britain. Although both the groups<br />

were banned in Britain, the Kashmiri diaspora continued to make<br />

donations to them. 26<br />

While <strong>Islam</strong>abad had repeatedly downplayed the link between<br />

extremism and the madrasas, most religious schools continued to<br />

preach jihad. After the failed attempts on Musharraf’s life in December<br />

2003, the administration launched raids on some extremist madrasas,<br />

but such half-hearted and piecemeal measures could hardly help<br />

improve the situation. <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>’s failure to curb extremism owed less<br />

to the difficulty of implementing reforms than to the administration’s<br />

own unwillingness. Musharraf had promised to ban the use of<br />

mosques and madrasas for spreading religious and sectarian hatred.<br />

However, all those pledges remained largely rhetorical and seemed<br />

to have been made under international pressure. <strong>The</strong> sectarian groups<br />

continued to challenge the authority of the state in different ways.<br />

<strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>’s failure to strictly enforce laws against the preaching of<br />

religious hatred and reining in of the extremist madrasas had largely<br />

been responsible for the rise in sectarian-based violence. <strong>The</strong> failure<br />

to deliver to any substantial degree on pledges to reform madrasas<br />

and contain the growth of jihadist networks had not only given rise to<br />

religious extremism in <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>, but also continued to present a threat<br />

to domestic, regional and international security.<br />

Several madrasas continued to provide recruits for Taliban insurgents<br />

in Afghanistan. Run by JUI, part of the coalition government in the

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