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Frontline Pakistan : The Struggle With Militant Islam - Arz-e-Pak

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<strong>The</strong> Tribal Warriors<br />

the Faqir of Ipi. ‘Both men fought against invaders and for the cause<br />

of <strong>Islam</strong>,’ said Mohabat Wazir a trader in Wana. ‘Like Faqir Ipi, they<br />

would never be able to get bin Laden.’<br />

<strong>The</strong> Waziris lived on both sides of the Durand Line between <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong><br />

and Afghanistan. Many of their men had taken part in the Afghan jihad<br />

in the 1980s and fought alongside the Taliban against the US forces and<br />

their Afghan allies. <strong>The</strong> men were born fighters and learnt the use of<br />

guns at a very early age in keeping with local traditions, acquiring more<br />

sophisticated fighting skills during the long years of the Afghan war.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y used that skill to put up fierce resistance to the <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>i army.<br />

Though the tribesmen were religious, the rise of militant <strong>Islam</strong> in<br />

Waziristan was a recent phenomenon. In 1947, people were deeply<br />

unhappy to be part of <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong> and supported the Pashtun nationalist<br />

struggle for the establishment of an independent ‘Pashtunistan’. 14 <strong>The</strong><br />

movement, which had gained popular support in the North West<br />

Frontier Province in the 1950s and 1960s, was basically secular; it<br />

was in the 1980s that radical <strong>Islam</strong> took root. <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>i military rulers<br />

not only used <strong>Islam</strong> to mobilize support for the Afghan jihad against<br />

Soviet forces, but also to undermine Pashtun nationalism. <strong><strong>Pak</strong>istan</strong>i<br />

intelligence agencies, in collaboration with the CIA, funnelled millions<br />

of dollars and weapons through the tribal area. <strong>The</strong> region became a<br />

conservatory which fomented the growth of radical <strong>Islam</strong>, sustained<br />

by a network of Saudi-funded madrasas. In the late 1980s, after the<br />

end of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, the supply of money<br />

and weapons had stopped, but foreign-funded madrasas continue to<br />

flourish. Less than 30 per cent of the tribesmen attended school, while<br />

90 per cent would drop out before completing their education. <strong>With</strong><br />

little economic activity, most people lived on smuggling, gun-running<br />

or drug-trafficking. <strong>The</strong> rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan had given<br />

further impetus to the spread of militancy. Thousand of tribesmen had<br />

joined the conservative <strong>Islam</strong>ic militia.<br />

Until 1997, the tribal areas did not have adult franchise and only<br />

a small number of maliks (tribal elders), had voting rights. Political<br />

parties were banned, and the vacuum was filled by the mullahs.<br />

Hence it did not come as a surprise when, in the 2002 parliamentary<br />

elections, the hardline <strong>Islam</strong>ic alliance, Muttehida Majlis Amal, 15 not<br />

only swept the polls in Waziristan, but also formed the government<br />

in the North West Frontier Province for the first time in 58 years. That<br />

had provided a conducive environment to the Taliban and al-Qaeda<br />

remnants to turn the tribal region into their sanctuaries.<br />

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