Romanians from Serbia in Denmark

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Vlach origin. Here, care is taken to invite notables from the Danish community, such as union bosses, local politicians and representatives of the municipality. These are opportunities to display the very best of Vlach and Serbianculture, varying from the handmade folk costumes to the Vlach folk-music and the performance of ‘Ore’, atraditional Vlach chain dance. By drawing on Balkan traditions of hospitality, these performances serve to create and enhance the bonds and networks with the outside community, which are crucial in maintaining municipal supportfor what is in reality the exclusivity of a Vlach club. But, as noted by Ballhausen and Tonnesen (2008), it is primarily the hospitality and the unproblematic aspects of Serbian and Vlach culture which are demonstrated during these events, while the darker sides, such as the political repression and chauvinist attitudes, areplayed down. In reality, it is exactly in their ability to provide such a powerful ‘public face’ for the Vlachcommunity that the clubs play their most important integrative role. Here the ‘difference’ and distinctiveness ofthe Vlach culture is put on display in a very visible but also selective manner which is accessible and understandable to a wider public, enabling the club to mediate between the private and the public. The question is, however, to what extent the clubs and other types of ethnic affiliation will continue to informthose groups of immigrants who have lived in Denmark for several decades and in many ways have come to see themselves as Danish. Indeed, doubt is often expressed by the elder members of the clubs: Nowadays, the cultural clubs do not attract as many people as they used to. People have invested their money incars and villas, they no longer want to spend money on drinks in the clubs. They prefer to stay at home and invite friends to socialise there (Serbian man, 2008). Conclusion As I have shown, the relatively successful integration of Vlach immigrants in Denmark hinges upon the ability of this minority group to create and maintain a strong and integrated ethnic community. The continued reproductionof traditions and social practices deriving from the village of
origin ensures that generational continuity and mutual co-operation make sense also to the younger generation. Paradoxically, this has also contributed toopening up this community towards Danish society. The construction of the Vlach community as successful and well integrated nonetheless carries with it a number of inconveniences. The focus on sameness in terms of (European) origin,Christianity and whiteness obviously serves to downplay their position as immigrants and makes it difficult toraise problems related to discrimination or more subtle feelings of being excluded. The widespread use of Danish,even in Vlach homes, has marginalised grandparents’ role in the upbringing of the younger generation and has madeit increasingly difficult to preserve certain key institutions in Vlach culture such as the multi-generational homestead, thus limiting the sphere of control of the older generation. As Vlachness loses importance, older women in particular risk having to relinquish their central position in the family. The continuing prestige games and the importance attributed to being ‘modern’ add to this process ofmarginalisation. While the men are active on the labour market and as ‘do-it-yourself house-owners’, and whilethey participate in the day-to-day club activities, the older women are relegated to the invisible spaces of home-making. The modern home, which is accommodated to the public gaze, does not really serve to transmit the sense of belonging to Vlach culture which used to be transmitted through artefacts and icons from the homeland.Finally, the Balkan wars and the re-traditionalisation of norms and values in Serbian society have made it more difficult for migrants to straddle both their obligations to the community of settlement and those to their villages of origin, as many emotional issues—such as the Serbian position in the Kosovo conflict—are difficult to discuss in the Danish public space. Paradoxically, re-traditionalisation also implies a general interest in origins and religion, something which receives an increasing interest in Danish society too. In this situation the role of the Serbian clubs in allowing convergence between the visible public face and the more hidden activities of Serbian immigrants remains as necessary as ever. Notes
Page 1 and 2: From DanishYugoslavs to Danish Serb
Page 3 and 4: contrast to the older members, who
Page 5 and 6: training indicates that, in spite o
Page 7 and 8: oof. A low birth rate (one or two c
Page 9 and 10: Visibility and Invisibility: The Jo
Page 11 and 12: At present, when the industry-based
Page 13 and 14: sameness, away of demonstrating the
Page 15 and 16: encouraging their children to adopt
Page 17 and 18: is of vital importance that marriag
Page 19 and 20: diaspora,as few are keen to discuss
Page 21: Serbian sports events, or facilitat
Page 25 and 26: 35-53. Federspiel, S. (1998) Arbejd
Page 27 and 28: everyday life in Nordic societies,
Page 29 and 30: visible in everyday encounters, in
Page 31 and 32: Grifin, G & Braidotti, R 2002, ‘W

Romanians from Serbia in Denmark

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