Romanians from Serbia in Denmark

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Orthodox faith, that’sequal to the Protestants (young Vlach male in Denmark, in Ballhausen and Tonnesen 2008: 77). Not least because voicing pro-Serbian attitudes in relation to the Balkan wars or the Kosovo conflict remains largely unacceptable to a Danish public, it seems that the focus on shared (European) origins and (Christian) religion has provided a much-needed platform upon which the difficult process of integration can be pursued. However, it is important to stress that not all Serbs in Denmark supported the Serbian nationalist project, and that many retain a large degree of nostalgia towards what was formerly a state that emphasised equal rights andliberty. Nonetheless, they have limited means with which to contest the increasingly stereotyped backdrop of the Balkan countries as a perpetual powder keg and the site of ancient ethnic divisions and hatreds. Hence, football, folk dancing and traditional food are now among the few activities through which Serbs can become visible as a group vis-à-vis the wider Danish public. Such acts ofpublicity often take place under the auspices of the Serbian clubs, to which I now turn. The Danish-Serbian Friendship Association as the Merger of Sameness and Difference Serbian associations exist in all four towns where the Vlachs have settled and are among the institutions workingthe most energetically to make the often contradictory webs of visible and less visible strategies meet. They act both as the public face of the Vlach community and as more private meeting places for its members. Originally the associations were tightly controlled by the Yugoslav state, which also used them to control the political activities of its diaspora groups. Through the embassies, cultural exchanges took place where writers, folk dancers and musicians toured the different countries where migrants had settled. This contributed to maintaining a feeling of being a part of the homeland and of not being forgotten ‘down there’ (Nylund 2006). At present, the clubs are independent but they still undertake different exchange activities, among them participation in Danish and
Serbian sports events, or facilitating study visits from the local trade unions andother political or charity-oriented activities. It was only in 1998 that these organisations shifted from being Yugoslav clubs to becoming Serbian associations. The term ‘Danish-Serbian Association’ serves to underscore the fact that the associations are subsidised by themunicipality and in principle are open to all. The board members take pride in narrating how the everyday activities and football training are attended by Danish members, as this takes away the ‘immigrant’ connotation of the associations. Indeed the name of one of them is the Danish-Serbian Friendship Association, which stresses the transnational ethos. In everyday usage, however, the Association is usually called the ‘Serbian Club’ (or even the Yugoslav Club). Few, if any, non- Vlach Serbs participate in its social life, and it remains a predominantly Vlach club engaged in homeland activities. Women do not use the club on a daily basis, but some of the clubs have tried to organise so-called Saturday matinées which are more familyoriented, though these do not seem to have gained much popularity. In fact, the ordinary users are middle-aged men, who play cards, watch Serbian television and discuss politics. Theyounger generation show little interest in keeping up with Serbian politics: ‘To be honest, I’m more interestedin what is happening in Denmark’, one young man said. Core activities such as folk dancing tend to lose out, asit has become difficult to motivate either trainers or children. Compared to earlier periods, the level ofattendance in ordinary social activities is generally low. Nonetheless, having a club and receiving municipalsupport retains their importance for the social cohesion of the group—a place where Vlachs can meet and cultivate their distinctiveness by speaking their native language(s) and discussing whatever challenges they, as an ethnic minority, are confronted with—and is an important identity marker for most Vlach migrants, including those who only use the club once in a while. Increasingly, the activities of the clubs revolve around the organisation of large parties to celebrate events such as Orthodox Christmas, the club’s anniversary and International Womens Day—a kind of Mothers’ Day on 8 March. These are all official Serbian celebrations whereas Vlach celebrations such as pomanas or Thunder Day are not held on the club’s premises. Normally the club’s celebrations attract several hundred people of
Page 1 and 2: From DanishYugoslavs to Danish Serb
Page 3 and 4: contrast to the older members, who
Page 5 and 6: training indicates that, in spite o
Page 7 and 8: oof. A low birth rate (one or two c
Page 9 and 10: Visibility and Invisibility: The Jo
Page 11 and 12: At present, when the industry-based
Page 13 and 14: sameness, away of demonstrating the
Page 15 and 16: encouraging their children to adopt
Page 17 and 18: is of vital importance that marriag
Page 19: diaspora,as few are keen to discuss
Page 23 and 24: origin ensures that generational co
Page 25 and 26: 35-53. Federspiel, S. (1998) Arbejd
Page 27 and 28: everyday life in Nordic societies,
Page 29 and 30: visible in everyday encounters, in
Page 31 and 32: Grifin, G & Braidotti, R 2002, ‘W

Romanians from Serbia in Denmark

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