[Blake_Stimson,_Gregory_Sholette]_Collectivism_aft(z-lib
Beyond Representation and AfWliation 261to give a few examples of this disorientation of political Weld, where the mainenemy already seems unclear.” 10 While Derrida offers a political alternativebased on reformulation of the notion of “fraternal friendship” beyond theopposition friend/enemy, I would like to trace an alternative that is far fromeither of these models and instead is based on what could be called a “maternalpolitics.”THE UNION OF THE COMMITTEES OF SOLDIERS’MOTHERS OF RUSSIASuch is the mandate of artists and intellectuals in times of crisis and radicalchange: to redeWne what “political subject” means and can be. Againstthe failure of the artistic and intellectual class typically charged with thisundertaking, the Union of the Committees of Soldiers’ Mothers of Russia(UCSMR), or in short, CSM, arose as an exemplary effort that transcendedthe crisis of representation, ideology, and politics of party afWliation. Foundedin 1989, CSM works in several directions, more or less connected to themilitary and other political bodies—speciWcally working to reform them. Itprovides legal support and Wnds Wnancial help for families of dead soldiers,consults on legal aspects of compulsory national military service, developspublications on death cases in the army, and lobbies at parliamentary hearingson amnesty laws and military reforms. The CSM was one of the veryfew organizations, and the singularly most active and visible one, to opposethe Russian war in Chechnya. The Soldiers’ Mothers carried out directactions in Chechnya to bring attention to the war and to stop certain militaryoffenses. Besides human rights issues related to the army, they demandedthat women be included in military decision making. In 1995 they wereawarded the Sean MacBride Peace Prize for the actions during the war.Altogether more than ten thousand people came for help to the CSM ofWcein Moscow alone. Moreover, almost 100 percent of individual complaintson human rights violations were resolved successfully. The total number ofvisitors to all regional CSM ofWces to date is about forty thousand people. 11In order to fully understand the success and consequence of thisinitiative we need to consider the political implications and ethical force ofthe notion of “mother” and “motherhood” in Russia. In particular we needto consider the ways that the notion of motherhood plays on and breaks apartthe logic of separation into “us” and “them.” Tradition insists that a mothercomes from a caring and intimate sphere. Under this convention the Wgureof the mother views any adversary as a potential friend before it is cast asother (as will be exempliWed in the ideas of Levinas, among others, and supportedin the Russian cultural imagination by literature that even brings this
FIGURE 9.3. Photographs showing national servicemen engaged as free manual labor, provided atthe Press-Conference. Photograph by Irina Aristarkhova.FIGURE 9.4. Photograph from the Press-Conference showing UCSMR members and theFoundation of the Right of the Mother members speaking to Moscow reporters. Photograph byIrina Aristarkhova.
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Beyond Representation and AfWliation 261
to give a few examples of this disorientation of political Weld, where the main
enemy already seems unclear.” 10 While Derrida offers a political alternative
based on reformulation of the notion of “fraternal friendship” beyond the
opposition friend/enemy, I would like to trace an alternative that is far from
either of these models and instead is based on what could be called a “maternal
politics.”
THE UNION OF THE COMMITTEES OF SOLDIERS’
MOTHERS OF RUSSIA
Such is the mandate of artists and intellectuals in times of crisis and radical
change: to redeWne what “political subject” means and can be. Against
the failure of the artistic and intellectual class typically charged with this
undertaking, the Union of the Committees of Soldiers’ Mothers of Russia
(UCSMR), or in short, CSM, arose as an exemplary effort that transcended
the crisis of representation, ideology, and politics of party afWliation. Founded
in 1989, CSM works in several directions, more or less connected to the
military and other political bodies—speciWcally working to reform them. It
provides legal support and Wnds Wnancial help for families of dead soldiers,
consults on legal aspects of compulsory national military service, develops
publications on death cases in the army, and lobbies at parliamentary hearings
on amnesty laws and military reforms. The CSM was one of the very
few organizations, and the singularly most active and visible one, to oppose
the Russian war in Chechnya. The Soldiers’ Mothers carried out direct
actions in Chechnya to bring attention to the war and to stop certain military
offenses. Besides human rights issues related to the army, they demanded
that women be included in military decision making. In 1995 they were
awarded the Sean MacBride Peace Prize for the actions during the war.
Altogether more than ten thousand people came for help to the CSM ofWce
in Moscow alone. Moreover, almost 100 percent of individual complaints
on human rights violations were resolved successfully. The total number of
visitors to all regional CSM ofWces to date is about forty thousand people. 11
In order to fully understand the success and consequence of this
initiative we need to consider the political implications and ethical force of
the notion of “mother” and “motherhood” in Russia. In particular we need
to consider the ways that the notion of motherhood plays on and breaks apart
the logic of separation into “us” and “them.” Tradition insists that a mother
comes from a caring and intimate sphere. Under this convention the Wgure
of the mother views any adversary as a potential friend before it is cast as
other (as will be exempliWed in the ideas of Levinas, among others, and supported
in the Russian cultural imagination by literature that even brings this