[Blake_Stimson,_Gregory_Sholette]_Collectivism_aft(z-lib

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The Mexican Pentagon 1735 million in 1960, 14 an explosion that was accompanied by a torrent of publicworks—freeways, expressways, overpasses, tunnels, and ring roads—that,much like Robert Moses’s network of highways and bridges in New York,radically transformed the region’s urban fabric. A city that had once beenWlled with Xaneurs and lively streets rapidly became a megalopolis of trafWcjams, insurmountable cement structures, and homicidal vehicles. Sidewalkswere narrowed to make room for more cars, and tree-lined dividers were demolishedto transform quiet streets into expressways. Neighborhoods wereslashed by highways, making it impossible for residents to get across a fewblocks without getting into a car and driving over a maze of bridges andoverpasses.José Joaquín Blanco, a writer who lived through these modernizingprojects, has described their detrimental effects on city life in the 1970s:For several years, the city government has launched spectacular highway projects thatbeneWt motorized individuals. This state of affairs, serious enough already, is becoming worsenedby some even more alarming developments. The constructions favoring the individualtransportation of the privileged not only take precedence over public transport for themasses, but positively hamper it, making it even slower and more tiresome; they destroythe lifestyles of the neighborhoods they cut through; they tend to ghettoize the poorerenclaves (some of which were not so badly off before, when a mixture of social classesbrought with it better services). These areas are thus turning into quasi-undergroundslums, covered by fast, streamlined bridges carrying the privileged driver across and preventinghim from touching or even seeing what lies beneath as he cruises in a matter ofminutes from one upmarket zone to another. The proliferation of bypasses, urban freeways,expressways, turnpikes, and the like has a twofold purpose: to link together the city ofafXuence while insulating it from the city of indigence by means of the retaining walls ofthese grand constructions. 15The street, in other words, was under attack by modernizing forces:public spaces where random people could come together to meet, stage demonstrations,or simply congregate were being demolished to make way forfreeways that discourage interaction (drivers, unlike pedestrians, are physicallyisolated from one another as they move through the city). Mexico Citywas becoming what Rem Koolhaas has called a “generic city”—a metropolisof highways and disconnected neighborhoods where “the street is dead.” 16The attack against the street led not only to widespread alienationbut, in some extreme cases, to death. The most striking example of thepotentially devastating consequences of urban modernization was the studentmassacre of October 2, 1968, at Tlatelolco, which was made possible,in part, by urban planning and architecture. Tlatelolco is a middle-incomehousing project designed by Mario Pani—a well-connected architect whosevast projects so transformed Mexico City that he could be described as theMexican Robert Moses—and its architecture played an important role in

174 Rubén Gallothe unfolding of the massacre. Pani, like Moses, was a disciple of Le Corbusier,and most of his projects aspired to the modernist ideal of rational,efWcient urban planning. Tlatelolco was a case in point: the housing developmentwas erected on a piece of vacant land far from the city centerand was accessible only by the newly constructed high-speed roads. Thecomplex consisted of a dozen towers, separated by gardens. In interviews,Pani explained how everything from the number of trees in the gardens tothe square footage of individual units was computed according to formulas.Tlatelolco was to be one of the most efWcient, rational housing projectsin Mexico.And also the most deadly. The Xipside of Pani’s architecturalrationalism was an obsession with crowd control: like most modernist complexes,Tlatelolco had mechanisms of surveillance and control built into itsdesign. There were few entrances to the complex and a set number of designatedpublic spaces. A series of gates allowed guards to quickly and efWcientlycut off access to the buildings. During the student rally on October2, 1968, these typically modernist elements transformed Tlatelolco into adeadly trap: the students had assembled in a plaza that was one of the fewpublic spaces in the complex. When the Wrst shots were Wred, the guardslocked the gates, and the students were trapped. They became easy targetsfor the military, whose soldiers were perched on top of the modernist blocks,from where they had an unobstructed line of Wre. The students were in factstanding in a modernist panopticon, where they could be surveyed fromalmost any point in the complex.It was the architecture of Tlatelolco that made the massacre sodeadly. If the students had gathered, say, on the streets of the Centro (whereProceso Pentágono staged most of its actions), they would have had a millionpossibilities of escape: they could have Xed though any of the numerousalleys, passages, or even subway entrances; they could have easily disappearedinto the labyrinthine chaos of the Centro. But in Tlatelolco’s modernist panopticonthere was no exit. In the Centro, with its narrow streets and denselypacked buildings, the military sharpshooters would have never found a vantagepoint with an unobstructed line of Wre.Staged in the midst of these massively disruptive urban projects—fromfreeways to modernist housing projects—Proceso Pentágono’s street actionsshould be read as an effort to remind the city’s inhabitants about the devastatingeffects of modernization: violent crime (the kidnapping piece), thedisappearance of the street as a space for Xaneurs (the trafWc accident performance),and the rising sense of isolation and alienation (for a 1974 project,the group placed a maquette of Mexico City inside a vitrine and then

174 Rubén Gallo

the unfolding of the massacre. Pani, like Moses, was a disciple of Le Corbusier,

and most of his projects aspired to the modernist ideal of rational,

efWcient urban planning. Tlatelolco was a case in point: the housing development

was erected on a piece of vacant land far from the city center

and was accessible only by the newly constructed high-speed roads. The

complex consisted of a dozen towers, separated by gardens. In interviews,

Pani explained how everything from the number of trees in the gardens to

the square footage of individual units was computed according to formulas.

Tlatelolco was to be one of the most efWcient, rational housing projects

in Mexico.

And also the most deadly. The Xipside of Pani’s architectural

rationalism was an obsession with crowd control: like most modernist complexes,

Tlatelolco had mechanisms of surveillance and control built into its

design. There were few entrances to the complex and a set number of designated

public spaces. A series of gates allowed guards to quickly and efWciently

cut off access to the buildings. During the student rally on October

2, 1968, these typically modernist elements transformed Tlatelolco into a

deadly trap: the students had assembled in a plaza that was one of the few

public spaces in the complex. When the Wrst shots were Wred, the guards

locked the gates, and the students were trapped. They became easy targets

for the military, whose soldiers were perched on top of the modernist blocks,

from where they had an unobstructed line of Wre. The students were in fact

standing in a modernist panopticon, where they could be surveyed from

almost any point in the complex.

It was the architecture of Tlatelolco that made the massacre so

deadly. If the students had gathered, say, on the streets of the Centro (where

Proceso Pentágono staged most of its actions), they would have had a million

possibilities of escape: they could have Xed though any of the numerous

alleys, passages, or even subway entrances; they could have easily disappeared

into the labyrinthine chaos of the Centro. But in Tlatelolco’s modernist panopticon

there was no exit. In the Centro, with its narrow streets and densely

packed buildings, the military sharpshooters would have never found a vantage

point with an unobstructed line of Wre.

Staged in the midst of these massively disruptive urban projects—from

freeways to modernist housing projects—Proceso Pentágono’s street actions

should be read as an effort to remind the city’s inhabitants about the devastating

effects of modernization: violent crime (the kidnapping piece), the

disappearance of the street as a space for Xaneurs (the trafWc accident performance),

and the rising sense of isolation and alienation (for a 1974 project,

the group placed a maquette of Mexico City inside a vitrine and then

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