Irish Freedom April 1943

Special Easter 

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CONTENTS 

Easier Celebrations and 

Meetings • . . 

World Comment, by C. D. 

Greaves • • • 

They Kindled a Blaze, 

by T. A. Jackson 

Irish Work, Lik0 Hell, 

:; by Jim Keehan # 

Books and Slims, edited 

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IRISH 

FREEDOM 

'KYLECLARE' FEARED LOST 

the Soviet people. 

I look forward to the days when we 

thall have Anglo-Irish weeks, Anglo- 

Indian weeks. Anglo-Spanish weeks, and 

Anglo-Chinese w eeks in the same way that 

we now l;arr Anglo-Russian weeks. Good 

wishes to your paper. As an Englishman 

I promise 2s. 6d. minimum per month to 

your Fund. 

LES. BATES. 

N 1913 I was attending a Socialist Sunday 

school where we sang a song 

I 

about Jim Larkin, "Helping the poor starving 

devils in Dublin," and my namesake, 

Harry Gosling, who is no relation of mine, 

was on a deputation to this place—the 

C.W.S., Manchester—to ask for food for 

Ireiand in the name of the Transport 

Workers of England. Harry Gosling has 

now passed away and the world is poorer 

by the loss. 

The C.W.S. is. however, still growing— . 

trade £157 million last year—and are still I 

! prepared to help justice with £1,000 loan 

to the "Daily Worker." Whilst political 

iieedom is vital and important, India and 

Ireland are causes I support. Eeconomic 

freedom is one of the first Freedoms, and 

much great work yet remains to be done 

to extend co-operation. We have a war 

and a world to win. I am sending by 

separate post a "History of the C.W.S." 

with a photograph and the story of the 

1913 Food Ship recorded in its pages. 

H. G. GOSLING, 

Secretary, London Co-operative Society. 

I 

READ your paper, "Irish Freedom," for 

the first time last week. Please send 

me details of the Connolly Club. I am not 

an Irishman, but I refuse to believe the 

tales and stories about the Irish being 

traitors because one part is neutral and 

not fighting on our side in the present war, 

also I don't believe all the Irish are connected 

with the I.R.A. I have but one 

aim, that is to learn more of or about Ireland 

than I do at present, and to pass the 

knowledge and all that I learn about the 

Irish people on to other people. J am 28 

J years of age, and an engineer by trade. I 

jknow little of politics and I am in the 

;A.E.U. I have written this in my dinner 

J hour, and the whistle to start work is due 

'any minute. I can give 5s. a month to 

•'the Irish Freedom Fund. 

ALBERT YOUNG. 

"OUR President was elected as our represen- 

' tative at your meeting in Luton. 

I wish you all success in your endeavours 

s o enlighten the Luton public on Irish mati 

crs, particularly as they affect the working 

':Iass. Much ill-informed criticism has been 

nade of the Irish owing to the effective propaganda 

put over by those who do not wish 

•o see the people of Ireland united, not 

nerely in a geographical sense but in the 

•ause of world-wide emancipation of the comnon 

people. 

My knowledge of Irish affairs is limited 

)Ut my desire for common understanding of 

he problems that affect the common people 

if the world is certainly not. 

The Luton Trades Council is very sympathetic 

with the cause of a United Ireland, 

aid above all a united working class movement. 

C. E. I.YWOOD, Hon. Secretary, 

Luton, Dunstable and Dist. Trades Council. 

SXYLECLARE, a Limerick Steamship Company vessel, is missing. She 

x 

_ , • :„„:„„ cim 

carried a crew of 18 Irishmen, whose relatives have been notified that 

she is considerably overdue and that the company is gravely concerned for 

D e a r E d i t o r . . . her safety. The ship sailed front Lisbon for Dublin on February 20th, and 

H 

no news of her has since been received. The Kerlogue. a Wexl'ord Steamship 

Company vessel, which left Lisbon oh the day previous to the Kyleclare, 

ERE IS 5S. for the '•Freedom," which is 

great stuff. I look forward to the 

. v wh"n the manufactured barriers that has arrived in Ireland. The normal passage from Lisbon to Dublin takes 

v.and between British and Irish workers live days 

...;; 'oo as realistically smashed as the 

"VÎNE Irish vessels have been lost since 

-..:r. • barriers have been smashed which 

' 1940. In addition, the Irish Pine, which 

oncc between we English people and 

carried a crew of 33, has been reported missing 

and is presumed lost. 

RESTORE TERRITORY 

AND LANGUAGE 

-DE YALERA 

ROADCASTING from Radio Eireann on 

B St. Patrick's Day, Mr. De Valera made a 

stirring appeal for the revival of Gaelic language 

and culture. 

"It was the idea of such an Ireland." said 

Mr. De Valera, "that fired the imagination of 

our poets; that made successive generations 

of patriotic men give their lives to win religious 

and political liberty." 

"Is this Utopia?" he asked, and then replied 

"No; but the practicable object of those 

who know our resources. To seek it is the 

solemn, unavoidable duty of every Irishman." 

He concluded, "The restoration of the unity 

of the national territory and restoration of 

the language are the greatest of our uncompleted 

tasks." 

M 

Easter 

Lilies 

BRANCHES, Camps, Sites, and 

" individuals—send cash with 

your orders to "Irish Freedom," 

150 Southampton Row, London, 

W.C.1. 1/6 per doz.'or 2d. each 

ARRESTED IN CORK 

ORTIMER LUCY, who escaped from 

Mount joy some time ago with three 

others, including his brother Michael, was 

arrested in Cork. Michael O'Driscoll (22), a 

native of Cork, who escaped from Portlaoighise 

prison, was reported still at large 

as we go to press. 

London Member 

Expelled 

OR consistent disruptive activity, Mr. J. 

F Flanagan has been expelled from the 

Connolly Club by its London District Committee. 

Mr. Flanagan failed either to appear 

at the London District Committee meeting or 

to send a statement as requested. Mr. Flanagan 

was formerly attached to the Dagenham 

Branch, and has recently been attached 

to West London and Harlesden. It should be 

understood that the Connolly Club is in no 

way responsible for Mr. Flanagan's actions or 

views, neither of which are compatible with 

membership of the Connolly Club. 

WATERFORD 

THE CREW 

The crew of the Kyleclare on her trip to 

Lisbon was: Captain A. R. Hamilton (551, 

married, Dalvsfort Road, Salthill, Galway; 

First Officer Diarmuid de Burca (29), married, 

35 Raglan Road, Dublin; Second Officer 

Ultan Tobin Todd (21), single, 7 Brookville, 

Coolock, Co. Dublin; Bosun P. Hopkins (42). 

widower, 8 Pigeon House Road, Dublin; First 

Engineer W. J. Simms (61), married, Donadee, 

Co. Kildare; Second Engineer T. Brady 

(54), married, 6 New Road, Galway; Able 

Seamen E. Barn' (32), married. Streamstown, 

Tagoat, Wexford; T. Lunch (51), married, 

Clogerhead, Co. Louth; P. Brannock 

(38), single, 47 Pidgeon House Road, Dublin; 

R. O'Brien (24), single, 5 Lower Merrion 

Street, Dublin; Seaman D. Mooney (24). 

single, 41 Oak Road, Donnycarney; Firemen 

J. Morgan (36), married, 13 Newmarket 

Street, Dublin; W. O'Brien (25), married, 148 

Pearse Street, Dublin; Jas. Larkin (28), married, 

101 Seville Place, Dublin; P. O'Neal 

(24), single, 23 Cumberland Street, Dun 

Laoghaire; Donkeyman T. Ryan (42), married, 

2 Hayestown, Rush, Co. Dublin; Steward 

Daniel O'Brien (57), married, 43 Botanic 

Avenue, Glasnevin, Dublin; Cook Richard 

Grimes (57), married, 31 Bolton (Street, 

Dublin. 

LARKIN 

DUBLIN 

M 

PRESIDENT 

T.U.C. 

OF 

R. JAMES LARKIN, Senr., has been 

unanimously elected president of the 

Dublin Trades Union Council, in succession 

to Mr. A. Jackson. 

The Dublin Trades Union Council consists 

of delegates from sixty affiliated trade unions. 

Its function is to co-ordinate the activities of 

trade unionism in the city. 

All the principal trade unions in Dublin, 

with the exception of the Transport and 

General Workers', the National Union of 

Raifwaymen, and the Railway Clerks' Association, 

are affiliated to it. 

KENSINGTON GIRL FINED 

TjÔR trying to send a letter out of England 

J- otherwise than by post, an Irish girl, 

Ellen Hanley, Sheffield-terrace, Kensington, 

was fined £3 at West London. Detective-Sergeant 

Gagan said that when a woman was 

searched at Holyhead before sailing, a letter 

addressed to Miss Hanley's mother in Dublin 

was found concealed under her clothing. 

TRAGEDY 

"MINE people were killed and seventeen badly injured when a 25-foot high 

wall of the disused Waterford Jail crumbled and fell on five houses. 

Names of dead' James Barrett (13}), Pat- 

rick Upton (15), Joseph Upton (60), Betty 

Stewart (2J), Kitty Barrett (6), James Roche INDIAN WHITE PAPER 

(6), Maureen Roche (20), Thomas Roche HE White Paper issued by the British 

(55), and an unidentified woman. T Government (Cm. 6430, March 1943) 

Injured: Thomas Power (22), Michael purports to fix on the Congress and its leaders 

Power (14), James Stewart (11), John Stewart, 

father (60); Thomas Skehan (60). John Iodia in 1942-1943. 

the responsibility for the disturbances in 

Upton (18), Albert Roche (11), Patrick Barrett 

(17), Agnes Roche (21), Mary Roche tical and economic issues of the Indian situa- 

It is not a document dealing with the poli- 

19), Joan Rochp (15), Margaret Barrett (40), tion, nor does it contain any statement of 

Mary Barrett (15), Phyllis Barrett (13), May policy or any suggestion for ending the deadlock 

and reaching a settlement in India. As 

Barrett (2), Mary Skehan (34), and Susan 

Stewart (21). " 

a contribution to an appreciation or assessment 

of the situation it has little value, nor 

CORRESPONDENTS 

can it be regarded as an historical document. 

en when M.S. bears a pseudonym, names YOU CAN (1) PASS THIS COPY ON; It is a truth description to call this White 

and addresses, not necessarily for publication, 

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IRISH FREEDOM, April 1943 

Easter Rising, 1916 

THEY KINDLED HERE A LIVING BLAZE 

by T. A. Jackson 

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WE MUST 

NOT FORGET 

Proclamation of 

The Irish Republic, 1916 

"Tliey rose in dark and evil days 

To right tlicir native land. 

They kindled here a living blaze 

That nothing shall withstand. 

Alas, that might could vanquish right: 

They fell and passed away. 

But true men, like you men, 

Are plenty here to-day!" 

"* ASTER fell late in 1916, about ns late 

J 

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as it can fall, and the sun on Easter 

Monday morning, as the early mists 

cleared, shone out bright, warm and glorious. 

As noon neared its rays gathered 

strength, and the crowd at the tram termini 

by the Nelson Pillar, in their holiday 

finery," thought of nothing but getting 

away to the hills or the seashore. 

It was a grand day for the Punchestown 

Races, where most of the English officers 

and men in garrison had gone for the 

afternoon. 

There was little traffic, barring the 

trams and a few cars speeding out on their 

joy rides. Only a fraction of the usual 

throngs were left on the side-walks of 

O'Connell Street, and they were more disposed 

to lounge idly down to the Liffey or 

sun themselves against a wall, than to do 

anything energetic. It was an ideal Bank 

Holiday; a day for dozing in the sun; for 

leaning over a quay-wall or just standing 

and staring. 

By that same token there was something 

to stare at. Nothing very wonderful, but 

just something—a company of men in uniform 

debouching from Abbey Street and 

turning thence northwards towards the 

Pillar and the G.P.O. 

LESS THAN A HUNDRED 

"IV70T a large company—less than a hundred—mostly 

in the dark green of 

the Citizen Army; but including a few in 

' In the name of God, and her dead 

generations . . . Ireland, through us 

summon her children to her flag, and 

strikes lor her freedom . , ." 

As he spoke a crackle of rifle-fire away 

southward, towards the Castle, echoed by 

others—from the westward, towards the 

Four Courts, and south-eastward, from 

Stephen's Green, told that the battle had 

begun. 

Patrick Pearse finished reading with tlit' 

cry of "God Save Ireland," and above his 

head. 011 the pedestal above the front 

porch of the Post Office broke three flags: 

011 the right and left flew Republican tricolours 

of green, white and orange; in the 

oentre a large green flag inscribed in 

letters of gold: 

'POBLACHT NA H'EIRcANN" 

As the flags lifted and fluttered in the 

sunshine, while renewed rifle-fire from 

the distance gave them a salute, James 

Connolly, Watching from the road with 

J"om Clarke by his side, grasped his old 

companion's hand:— 

"Thanks be to God, Tom, that we have 

lived to see this day!" 

IRISH NATIONALIST 

REPUBLICANISM 

N their differing ways these three men, 

I Clarke, Pearse and Connolly summed 

up and embodied the three main strands 

which together made up the completed 

unity of Irish Nationalist Republicanism. 

Tom Clarke, the oldest of the three, 

represented the old Fenian tradition, the 

tradition of physical force, resistance without 

qualifications or deviations. While 

too young himself to have taken part in 

either the '65 or the '67, he knew intimately 

the leading men who had done so, 

the Gaelic language, and for the revival 

of all the cultural corroliaries of the 

Gaelic speech. 

At the same time, he, too, was, and had 

been from childhood, inspired by the direct 

Fenian tradition. 

What was most notable about Pearse, as 

well as his great literary gift, was the 

readiness with which he responded to 

Connolly's suggestion that reviving the ancestral 

culture of the Gael involved getting 

rid of the capitalist property-relations 

which the English conquest had planted in 

Ireland. That, Connolly urged, could 

more easily be done by going forward than 

by attempting to roll back the wheels of 

history. 

Pearse grasped the point, and saw its 

full implications. Though a fervent 

Catholic himself, he withstood staunchly 

the howl of clerical indignation which was 

worked up against Larkin and Connolly in 

the Dublin Labour War of 1913. Pearse 

was outspoken and unflinching in his support 

of the hard-pressed and muchmaligned 

Larkinite Trade Unionists:— 

"Here it a matter," he wrote, "in which 

I cannot rest neutral. My instinct, is 

with the landless man against the 

lord of land and with the breadless 

man against the master of 

millions. I may be wrong, but I 

do hold it a most terrible sin that 

there should be landless men in this 

island of waste yet fertile valleys, and 

that there should be breadless men in 

this city, where great fortunes are made 

and enjoyed." 

And it was in his conviction that these 

things could not and would not be tolerated 

in a free Ireland that Pearse threw 

himself into the Volunteer Movement and 

implicit, in the Fenian Movement of '65 

and '67, in the teaching of Fintan Lalor, 

and in the struggles of the Land League, 

which translated those teachings into 

practice. 

Avowing himself the heir of thege traditions 

he poured scorn 011 the compromising 

bourgeois Parliamentarians; and at a 

time when the Fenian tradition had 

shrunk to its narrowest compass, he dared 

to use again the name Ropublican with 

the 'to somei terrifying qualification of 

Socialist. This he did while Tom Clarke 

was still in gaol, and while Pearse was still 

an undergraduate at the university. Even 

those who could not stomach the strong 

meat of Connolly's Socialism could still be 

roused to enthusiasm by the courage and 

skill of the advocate who could vindicate 

the Gaelic clans, the United Irishmen, the 

Fenians, the White Boys and the Land 

League, better than disciples who regarded 

these doctrines as finalities beyond which 

it was not possible to go. 

In the history of revolutionary struggle 

all round the earth, it is common to find 

the sturdy workman, labourer or artisan, 

inured to hardship by his life-conditions, 

and driven desperate by necessity, fighting 

side by side with the student-intellectual, 

who is inspired by a scholar-artist's 

vision of the world as it might be if men 

were only wise, generous and courageous. 

Tom Clarke stood for the workman—the 

revolutionary fighter of the type such as 

never failed to appear in command of a 

barricade in every fight in Paris from the 

10th of August, 1792, to the bloody suppression 

of the Commune in May, 1871. 

Patrick Pearse equally well incarnated 

the student-artist who was no less perennial 

in those days of the barricades. 

"Let 110 man be mistaken as to who will be lord 

in Ireland when Ireland is free. 

b e l o r d a n d m a S t e r ^ - P a d r a / c Pearse. 

The people will 

lnmation stands out as a landmark, as it 

does also in its promise that a permanent 

Government of the Irish Republic, when 

set up, would be "elected by the suffrages 

of all men and women m Ireland." 

LESSON FOR 

TO-DAY 

"I T is from the vantage-ground of this 

declaration of the most advanced 

democracy, republicanism and socialism, 

that we must evaluate Easter Week 

against the background of to-day. 

That "England's difficulty is Ireland's 

opportunity" any man of sense can see, 

and any fool can say. It takes a ;nan of 

genius, courage, and steadfastness to see 

beyond the form of the catch-phrase to 

the wider historical and political essence 

involved. 

A parrot, if it could speak, could say 

that because Clarke, Pearse and Connolly 

rose in 1916, while England was at war, 

therefore they would have done the same 

111 1943. 

When French "Jacobinism" was regarded 

with scandalised horror by all the 

"respectable" and "genteel" in Dublin, as 

well as London, Wolfe Tone sided joyfully 

with the Jacobins. 

When all the "men of sense and moderation" 

in Ireland, as in England, held up 

their hands in horror at the alleged scandalous 

goings-on of the English Chartists, 

Thomas Davis gravely urged his colleagues 

of the Nation to cultivate the 

friendship of the English Chartists. 

No leader of Irish revolt of the first 

grade ever failed to take into account the 

degree of development of the progressive 

forces in England as well as on the Continent 

of Europe. 

O 

UNBOUGHT, 

UNTERRIFIED 

F Connolly, the Socialist Internationalist, 

it is needless to speak. From 

Pearse it is only necessary to quote a 

classic passage from the last pamphlet 

he was fated to write:— 

"There is no other sort of nationalism 

than this, the nationalism which believes 

in and seeks to enthrone the sovereign 

people. Tone had appealed to that 

numerous and respectable class, the men 

of no property,' and in that gallant and 

characteristic phrase he had revealed his 

perception of a great historic truth, 

namely, that in Ireland the gentry (as 

they afiect to call themselves)' have 

uniformly been corrupted by England, 

and the merchants and middle-class 

capitalists had been, when not corrupted, 

uniformly intimidated, whereas the common 

people have, for the most part, 

remained unbought and unterrified. 

"It is in fact true that the repositories 

of the Irish tradition as well, the 

spiritual tradition of nationality and the 

kindred tradition of stubborn physical resistance 

to England, have been the great, 

splendid, faithful common people—that 

dumb, multitudinous throng, which sorrowed 

through the Penal night, which 

bled in '98, which starved in the Famine; 

and which is here still—what is left of 

it—unbought and unterrified. 

"Let no man be mistaken as to who 

will be lord in Ireland when Ireland is 

free. The people will be lord and 

master." 

Can you, can any man with sense and 

conscientiousness, imagine the author of 

those moving words lending his aid for 

a moment to the bloody baboonery of Hitlerite 

Fascism—even to secure the defeat 

of England? Can you imagine Tone, 

Davis, Mitchel, Lalor, Rossa or Tom Clarke 

doing such a thing? Can you imagine 

Connolly doing so—the Connolly whom 

Hitlerite thugs would have murdered in 

preference to any other man living in his 

day? 

He who imagines for a moment that 

Clarke, Pearse or Connolly would for any 

chance of gain, personal or political, have 

risked a world-defeat for democracy and 

the common people, knows nothing of 

them, and is unworthy of the honour of 

celebrating the splendour of their sacrifice 

in Easter Week, 1916. 

In order to prevent the further slau^tar of Dublin 

citiztne, and in ths hope of 6aving the lives of our 

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THE fiendish howl for the blood of 

• Connolly raised by the "Irish Independant" 

on May 10th, 1916, will never 

be forgotten. "William Martin Murphy," 

the then proprietor of the "Independant," 

is since dead, but the "Independant" 

has changed very little. 

On May 10th, 1916, the two last 

leaders of the rebellion were languishing 

in Kilmaiaham gaol, James Connolly 

and Sean McDermot. Connolly 

was dying fast from the wound he received. 

McDermot, a charming young 

Irishman, although in delicate health, 

devoted his whole life to the cause of 

Irish Freedom. But Connolly was the 

man the "Independant" feared most, 

because of his tremendous influence 

among the Irish working class with 

which Murphy and the "Independant" 

had ta reckon during the Dublin lockout. 

The "Independant" feared that if 

Connolly was allowed to live, then the 

Irish people would strike again for the 

Republic whose imminent arrival was 

feared by the class represented by the 

"Independant." 

NO CLEMENCY 

"%1/HEN, however, we come to some 

* * of the ringleaders, instigators, 

and fomenters not yet dealt with," 

wrote the "Independant," "we must 

make an exception. If these men are 

treated with too great a leniency, they 

will take it as an indication of weakness 

on the part of the Government, 

and the consequences may not be satisfactory. 

They may be more truculent 

than ever, and it is therefore 

necessary that Society should be protected 

against their activity. Some of 

these leaders are mere guilty, and 

played a more sinister part in the 

campaign than those who have been 

already punished with severity. And 

it would hardly be fair to treat these 

leniently because the cry for clemency 

has been raised, while those no more 

guilty than they have been severely 

punished. Weakness to such men, at 

this stage, may be fatal . . . Let the 

worst of the ringleaders be singled out 

and dealt with as they deserve." 

"SOCIETY MUST BE PROTECTED" 

THE "Independant's" lust for blood 

was satisfied, Connolly and McDermot 

faced the firing squads two days 

after, and with them passed one of the 

brightest hopes of Ireland. The "Independant" 

still remains true to its antidemocratic 

and anti-trade union tradition. 

It gave its support to an army of 

Blue Shirts to fight against the 

People's Republic of Spain, and to 

O'Dufly, who hoped to become the 

Fascist Dictator of Ireland. How worried 

the "Irish Independant" was that 

Society should be protected! What 

kind of Society? The Society of an 

exploiting class who live on the'blood, 

sweat and to'l' of the workers. The 

"Independant" was worries about protecting 

society in Spain, the same 

society we are witnessing in the occupied 

countries of Europe. Where the 

slave labour of the Middle Ages is out 

into practice, where thousands are 

lying in concentration camps, where 

every week hundreds are facing the 

firing squads at dawn. God protect us 

fron\ this society. 

PATRICK 

CLANCY 

the grey-green of the Irish Volunteers. 

Against the majestic length and breadth 

of O'Connell Street, and the height of the 

Nelson Pillar, they seemed dwarfed into 

fewer than they were. 

Dublin then, was too accustomed to the 

sight of marching Volunteers to give more 

than a passing glance. Moreover, since 

the Grand Easter Manoeuvres of the whole 

of the Irish Volunteers, which should have 

started the day before, had been called 

off by large advertisements in the Sunday 

papers, this little handful seemed a puny 

anti-climax. 

"Who are they?" "Oh! Connolly's lot 

from Liberty Hall!" "Well, they've a grand 

day for playing at soldiers. 'Twill do them 

little hurt!" 

An English officer looking out through 

the window of the G.P.O., as he waited to 

put through a telephone call, was less 

genial. "What a crew," he said, and 

turned to the 'phone. 

The head of the marching iôlumn 

reached level with the southern corner of 

the G.P.O.—level with the main doors— 

level with the northern corner. Another 

stride and they might have been on their 

way to pick daisies in Glasnevin but ! 

A succession of sharp commands, and 

the column halted, fronted, fixed bayonets, 

presented arms, and charged right into 

the G.P.O. 

IN THE NAME OF GOD 

IN a few moments the public were 

' hustled out at the front door and the 

staff herded out at the back-, while rifle 

butts dashed glass from the windows, and 

rebels piled sandbags and other material 

for barricades In the openings. 

Out on the front step came a small 

group. One, Patrick Pearse, in Volunteer 

uniform with a siford, held a broad sheet 

of paper and began to reed In • olear 

. 1 -A • . i • « * 

and attached himself to the most extreme 

"left" section, led by John Daly and 

O'Donovan Rossa. He served a long term 

of penal servitude, and on his release set 

to work to rebuild the Fenian organisation • 

in Ireland. 

For the young men of Pearse's generation—and 

those even younger-Tom 

Clarke figured as a holy link with the 

past; an embodiment of the Republican 

tradition which, beginning with Tone, 

Russell and the Emmets, continued 

through Mitchel, and the Fenians to the 

last of the implacables, Rossa, and. in 

America, John Devoy. 

He was a true representative of the 

tradition in that, to use Tone's immortal 

phrase, he was one of "that numerous and 

respectable class of the community, the 

men of no property." Yet by diligent attention 

to his business—that of newsagent 

and tobacconistâ business which did not 

suffer any handicap from liis record as a 

Fenian—he was able to amass a moderate 

competence. 

His last act before turning out with his 

comrades to take possession of the G P.O. 

was to leave £3.100 in the hands of his 

wife' (a daughter of John Daly) to be 

used in relief of distress among the dependants 

of those who fought and fell in 

the rising. 

FORWARD, NOT 

BACKWARD 

ATRICK PEARSE, the youngest of the 

P three, represented the new Fenian 

tradition, the tradition which had reinforced 

the Fenian Nationalism, pure and 

simple, by going back, as Davis had tiled 

to go back, to the re-discovery of the &nceetral 

poetry and culture of Gaelic Ireland. 

He had been himself an acQrt 

aportfe of tb» movement for the r»rtv»l of 

accepted the responsibility of President of 

the provisional Government of the Hepublic 

he proclaimed. 

CONNOLLY'S SPECIAL 

MERIT 

F James Connolly it is hardly necessary 

O to say anything in such a journal as 

"Irish Freedom." 

Like Mitchel and Stephens he was a 

North of Ireland man, but inf Connolly's 

case "orjly just," since the county of his 

birth, Monaghan, was excluded from 

"Northern Ireland" by those who designed 

and executed the crime of Partition. He 

came of peasant stock, and those given to 

ethnological speculation have avowed that 

his physical characteristics were those of 

the pre-Gaelic people of Ireland, the Fir 

Bolg—alias "Picts." One of his ancestors 

was hanged between the shafts of his own 

cart by the Yeomanry in '98. 

A labourer and craftsman all his life, It 

Is Connolly's special merit that he playetl 

a notable part in the front rank of the 

Socialist Movement in Scotland, England 

and the U.S.A., as well as in Ireland. 

In Ireland, Connolly has the outstanding 

merit of having launched its first Socialist 

Party—the Irish Socialist Republican 

Party—founded in 1896. And what is 

especially noteworthy in this connection 

is the acuteness and learning with which 

Connolly connected his Socialist aspirations 

with the spirit, the precepts and the 

practice of every generation of Irish 

Nationalist struggle, since the days of the 

Gaelic clans. 

CONNOLLY'S SOCIALISM 

TIE re-dlscovered and vindicated the 

basic democratic republicanism of the 

men of "98, he pointed out end UEltferUned 

tbe proletarian radicalism and •octallem 

James Connolly stood as new type altogether, 

ene which combined the other two 

into a higher synthesis. He was workman, 

scholar, and artist all in one, and in 

addition was equipped with a developed 

theoretical weapon—the theory of Scientific 

Socialism, of which he was one of 

the foremost expounders. 

BASIC PRINCIPLES 

/~vF the events of Easter Week, and of 

what grew out of them, we have no 

room to speak-^nd, here at any rate, no 

need. What we stress here is the permanent 

outcome of the co-operation of 

Clarke, Pearse and Connolly, the new 

point of departure embodied in the proclamation 

of the Provisional Government, 

read from the front step of the General 

Post Office in Dublin by Patrick Pearse on 

Easter Monday, 1916:— 

"We declare," so the Proclamation 

runs, "the right of the people of Ireland 

to the ownership of Ireland, and to the 

unfettered control of Irish destinies to 

be sovereign and indefeasible." 

Tone would have applauded the principle, 

though he never was so fortunate as 

to find an occasion for avowing it. Davis 

would have endorsed it, perhaps with a 

little misgiving, but 011 a balance decisively. 

Lalor came nearest of all to it, 

and Davitt nei^ded only to echo his words, 

as Luby, O'Leary, Kickham and Rossa all 

avowed themselves, directly or indirectly, 

Lalor's disciples. 

It is indeed a principle immanent in all 

genuine Nationalist striving, as also is its 

corrollary, also included in the Proclamation 

that:— 

"The Republlo guarantees religious 

and olvll liberty, and equal right* and 

opportunities to all its citizens." 

But only rarely does the principle find 

explicit recognition, and far this the Proa- 

followers now surrounded and hopelessly outnumbered, 

members of the Provisional Government present at Hoad. 

Quarters have agreed to an unconditional 

tba 

surrender, and the 

Cenmandante of the various districts in the City and Country 

wfll order their cosmnda to lay down arms. 

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I 

6 IRISH FREEDOM April, 1943 

Freedom and complete independence 

for Ireland; (2) Freedom from a 

alienated from the British people by the countries, including Eire, depend on Fascism 

being defeated, and also the great 

stupid policy of different reactionary 

money system and the adoption by the State 

of a bold policy whereof the national credit 

Governments in this country. The present need to strengthen the working class organisations 

in this country. They can be being; (3) Freedom from economic slavery, 

.shall be fully utilised for the nation's well- 

policy in relation to Northern Ireland by 

the British Government is not helping won to join the National Union of the result of exploitation by monopolies and 

matters. Therefore the approach to these Agricultural Workers. Their piece-work combines; (4) Freedom for the people as a 

Irish labourers should be of a friendly, and team-work system should receive most whole and more especially for those on the 

sympathetic character, not a hostile one. careful study by the Union officials, as it land; to establish a Christian social order 

would work better under Union control. 

and ecqnomic system whereby the workers 

and producers shall be assured a position of 

Is there any reason why only Irishmen due respect and a reward commensurate with 

can work this system £nd get high wages, their labours; (5> An agricultural policy to 

WHAT IS MEANT BY since the payment by result method is meet the wishes and aspirations of the rural 

being introduced with excellent results in community. 

GOOD CITIZENS? other industries? Hue it may be said Mr. Cogan, T.D., said the wording of these 

that, while it can be done by workers on points was revolutionary. 

N' class society education is essentially 

a class affair. The aim of 

any educational system is to turn out 

good citizens. But what is meant by 

"good citizens" varies with the class 

system in force. In the days of barbarism 

the "good citizen" was the good 

lighter, and so barbaric educational 

systems concentrated on physical fitness 

rather than mental training. In 

Feudal times the "good citizen" was 

the ignorant peasant who just got on 

with his simple (though back-break- 

' ing job), and was not required to 

think about WHY he was doing it; 

and so Feudal educational except for 

the privileged minority, was nonexistent. 

THREE It's 

With the Industrial Revolution, and 

the introduction of complicated productive 

forces, a somewhat higher 

level of education was required for the 

most profitable use of the expensive 

machines. Thus from the 1830's education 

ceased to be altogether the preserve 

of the ruling class, and from. 

, 1875 a measure of education was compulsory 

for all children. This education, 

however, was very rudimentary, 

and was designed to produce workers 

with the essential minimum of skill 

for the factories and' mills—nothing 

more. Though the educational syllabus 

has been extended beyond the 'Three 

It's,' we are still living in a capitalist 

class society, and education is still designed 

to impress on the student the 

permanency of things as they are, including 

his own inferior status. Higher 

education remains, of course, the plaything 

of the "upper" class, and of 

those few members of the working 

class who, because of their brilliance, 

are to be allowed to help, in a strictly 

subordinate way, with the routine of 

ruling. 

PROPERTY OF AH 

In a Socialist society education is 

still, at first, a class affair. I?ut since, 

under Socialism, the ruling (lass of 

workers and working farmers comprises 

the vast majorih of the people, 

education at once acquires a universality 

hitherto unknown. As Socialism 

advances towards the classless society, 

education in all its branches becomes 

in fart the properly of (lie whole 

people. 

CLASS EDUCATION' 

Education is a class alfair, and :•

t ' 

I !: 

\ ' • 

I 

IRISH FREEDOM April, 1943 

STORMONTS NEW INROADS 

ON 

ERTY 

i' - n;r Sfxcial Cci respondent, J. GRIFFIN 

STOR'.'ONT'S 'aJi:st co.-.t. ibutior. io 

VJiii cflort i. a further *tibngtticn 

latest amei-ili'iR Bill increases the per, 

from two years hard labour lo 14 years 

'as a : : y o. • • uiv»". • " ••• au.i. 

with ;•,;" •. .no A '. inn ' in ; - 

new. ; • i - •>. d> atii of tv.o workers. I's 

Recula' : n ; a •...».•> monHis later lo 

depot. ':ii: ur »r.d old vet-ran of the 

Labour wivw.- :. T >::: Ma: iiorn Belfast. 

A- ill" present urn.- .-.> 500 

wori.e:- jv my of th.ni anai-fascist. are 

detained in Nan hem aaols. 

The r.Si of the pr: cli ilie avitu-ti'f.s has lime 

and a:ni>n p: d a.es of vioii-nre in 

the Six Cot);f!' - A lOsriiia • xample of its 

misuse omtn'.ti daunt: the p.iarom of 

July. 1935. when arnvd polkv stood idly 

by while Catholic homes wore burned in 

Little York Street. Belfast. Compare Uiis 

with the actions of the same police t'orjp 

against the uivmployeu in 1932. 

CIVIL LIBERTY REPORT 

The Special Powers Act has always been 

opposed by the Labour Movement. The 

Report of the inquiry, held by the British 

Council for Civil Liberties into the working 

of the Act. published in 1935. created such 

a sensation thai Craigavon threatened to 

make the Special Powers Act the principal 

issue at the next election. Craigavon has 

gone, but the Special Powers Act remains. 

This latest addition to its powers will not 

help to build that unity among :hc people 

which is so urgently needed at the present 

time. No one wiil deny that to-day there 

is need for special measures to deal with 

pro-Fascist elements in the country but 

the Stormont Government is not using 

this Act for that purpose. 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

I 

the mobilisation of iiie people for the 

ins of the Special Powers Act. Their 

aiiies which may be imposed under it 

penal servitude plus or a liac of £500. 

The Act. :: idea;: .l:y. needs amending. 

Yvi.a; is nee'.e-d no.c is not additional 

n.'.v ' out an amendm' n; to ensure thai 

;; •.. tl )»• ijvtl ior combe.iing Fascism and 

r.i :. a. at present. ;'•> a seciarian 

I v, • 'io : 

! Th" ;•;.'•,.eiha'.e n> ed is for a widening 

\ of : he Vu'ianu Aepe, is Trio*so thai 

; reure.M'n.e! ; ves r.i tin- Labour end Trade 

i I'nion movement ran t:e included. With 

House, Buntingford, Herts. He was 77. Six 

attie, M.P thousand people attended Westmin'sier 

Catheilral tor the Requiem Mass tor the 

He knew inncccnt people who. because 

some villainous neighbour or trade- 

' Ca.-uuiai Hinslcy's mother v.as Bride- ' 

| Cardina 1 . 

rival sent aii anonymous letter to the 

police, liar: armoured cars call at their i eon a ;o » :.;la:ul. DUfilitt the nana 

doors and their houses ransacked. People I ! '!" lor 

suffered in trade and reputaiion through 

the scandalro msaring that resulted. :a 

Mr. Vr ef, • '1 :(1>'UV1 a S'crmon:. so 'e:- 

iee; en ;!.e ^pieial Pt'Wi rs Bill, wnieh 

lence. 

tfcjce IcadaiL', ailielc. Page 'Threei 

—issisi Tsifiiii 81 !* Siidii^s Tin* 

""TRAGIC and fantastic," was the description applied to Ulster's 

unemployment situation in this fourth year of war by Jack j 

j Tanner, National President of the Amalgamated Engineering 

Union, to a mass meeting of workers in Grcsvenor Hall, Belfast. 

I ) INFERRING to the situation ill Northern 

8 1 

Ireland, he said that they had been very 

much surprised at the recent statement, of 

numbers uiTinplnyed. He believed that there 

v, ere few .skilled workers unemployed, but 

thousands of semi-skilled and unskilled men 

and women were prevented from working 

because there was not work for them. The 

A.E.U.. while in nivour of dilution, would not 

aerce t.> dilation of labour while there were 

mere men and women available than there 

were .tabs. 

This situation was the fault, not of the 

workers, hut of the authorities. The Governments 

ill Belfast and London Here responsible 

for the present position, but 

"primarily the Government in Lister is 

responsible. You have a Torv Government 

lien—well, now you have the results of it. 

II the people here were employed on war 

work as they should be. there ought to be 

more jobs than workers." 

SIX ONO FRONT 

"The war can only be won by the forces of 

the Allies invading the Continent of Europe. 

It cannot be won on the sands of Africa any 

more than it can be won on the playing fields 

of Eton." 

In preparation for the Second Front it was 

POLITICAL SIMPLICITY 

AST month we drew attention lo 

ideology throughout the Twenty-Six 

Counties, and urged the Labour movement 

to take quick steps to eombat this 

dangerous development. The report of 

the inter-Varsity Gaelic debate at 

Queen's re'nforees the warning, for, 

according to the "Irish News," a 

motion that a dictatorship is essential 

for the Irish people was carried by a 

largV majority. 

Dictatorships fall into two categories: 

the Fascist or Nazi dictatorship, 

wliereunder all power is in the hands 

of the big trusts and corporations, as 

in Germany and Italy, and on the 

other hand the dictatorship of the 

workers which exists in the Soviet 

Union, where all power is in the hands 

of the people through their elected 

organs. It is not hard to sec that the 

Gaelic students had not their minds 

on the Soviet system when Uiey voted 

for dictatorship. 

OLITICAL naivete and outmoded 

P prejudices are probably responsible 

for the success of the resolution 

amongst the Irish-Ireland students. 

These students, we assume, wish to see 

an Ireland in which native culture will 

flourish, and yet by implication they 

sympathise with a regime which has 

attempted to deatroy the national cultures 

of the countries now groaning 

ander its domination. 

If the students are genuinely concerned 

about the solution of the 

national question, they should turn 

their eyes to the Soviet Union, in 

1 which the native cultures of many 

varied people® are not being stifled, 

v. bat mcntmgtM an* fostered. Only 

S SooUamt, iiWeed, t can' solve completely 

the national question. 

ORTUGAL was cited as a model 

P for the Irish people to follow, bat 

Is to-day affected by a 

BMUiM, iu natural 

N* standard 

h| deplorably low. The "benevolent" 

dictatorship of Salazar differs only in 

I OItM from that of Mussolini and Hitler—in 

KSSKNCE they are similar. No 

Trade Unions are permitted in model 

Portugal, the Labour movement is proscribed, 

the workers' press is banned. 

The teeth of the working people have 

been drawn so as to make easier their 

exploitation by the landed aristocracy 

and big trusts, the real rulers of Portugal. 

A Cork contributor spoke of people 

in times ol national crisis turning to a 

"saviour" unconnected with any political 

group. This is a sample of the 

political immaturity displayed by the 

debaters. Leaders, or dictators, must 

be associaU'd with a party; no isolated 

individual in history ever took over 

power. Hitler was propped up by the 

Krupps, Thyssens and other millionaires 

in Germany, along with the military 

caste. Italy's sawdust Caesar, 

without the financial backing of the 

Ansaldos and Fiats, would never have 

reigned a day. Who is propping up 

Laval and I'etain in France to-day? 

The Vichy bankers and big businessmen 

who have crucified their country 

in order to ensure their right to exploit 

the French people. 

"T POLITICAL simplicity and anti- 

' quaU'd prejudices, we say, explain 

the unfortunate Tote of the Gaelic ,• 

students. But the matter cannot rest 

at thai. Ireland to-day, because of the 

growing unemployment and dissatjsfaction, 

provides a fertile breeding ground 

for the dangerous Tiros of Fascism. 

This task will require patience, 

energy and organisation. Only the 

liaboar movement can cope with this 

task. That party must energise Itself, 

broaden It* propaganda aifc widen its 

contacts. It must atrive for closer 

Uaisotl between the people of North 

and Sooth; between Uae great British 

tnd Irish 'people*, for the rooting of 

phur^n within and without, apd for 

b nt>+ p*o^r*aaive era for the comi mon 

peoples of these isles. 

5 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

§ 

5 

their job to produce. Thcv mu.e put some 

enthusiasm into the war ellort. they must 

influence the authorities. At the same lime 

they mils', beware of lYUinichitc elements who 

were willina to make a pact with the industrialists 

of Germany. "We must take part in 

the political world -and trivo political lead 11' 

necessary." he continued. 

PRODUCTION COMMITTMFS 

Production commiitces had developed from 

the enthusiasm of the workers and tlicir 

anxiety to play a greater part in production. 

The workers were capable of undertaking 

managerial functions. For example, the 

A.E.U., with a general fund of £f>.0;/0.000. was 

one of the biggest business concerns in 

Britain, and it was ran by ordinary engineers. 

INTMKNATIONAL UNITY 

Changes are taking place in Society—the 

world can never be the same as it was in 

September. 1939. To play our part in these 

changes, we must have a stronger political 

organisation in our Union. 

"When this way is over wc will have to 

unite internationally—with our brother 

Trade Unionists in other lands, with the 

workers of America, North and South, with 

the workers on the continent of Europe, and 

with the Trade Unions of Russia." 

DEATH OF 

GREAT CARDINAL 

; ie;;rel to announce the death of 

' ' His Eminence Cardinal Hinslcy, 

Archbishop of Westminster, which took 

I place at his country Home. Hare Street 

-e : • :: u > e 0< the six Bellas: 

I nv n i is ••' pi en -ner. 'no Cardinal con- 

• o'' •>'••• ! in ii . •• a !•;•„,.i. terra' the cm 

\Vi'en C no; iai liinMcy reconilc green-..! 

i Am-rlcaii (.' t: ..aics his words iv. ;v mark- 

| >.'».•/ v.i.'nt in unprccia!ion of the Soviet 

SEIZr.D DOCUMENTS QUOTED Union: ' r Cieuoee in America who won.i! 

The Atf.rh N-Ciueral .Mr. J. C. JJaederniotti 

re i:; i".'rue's fi om eip.uied 

not e,\e aid In if rala is not U'.lc to h; - 

doemncnis ee.a.l Uiir' he wore not haic 

taken up tile ;|mc of the House bit. unfortun 

itely, it was (,:n'e cFar that there 

were j eeiiara'ae for a can:pai :, :i of vio- 

SIX-COUNTY LABOUR 

PARTY'S POSITION 

rpHE Six-County Labour Party, in a 

J- manifesto issued in Belfast, dissociated 

itself from the policies of the Nationalist 

Republican Socialist parties in the 

area. 

The Labour Party, said the manifesto, 

had always accepted the constitutional 

position of the Six Counties, and would not 

seek to change it except by the expressed 

will of the majority of the people. 

The Labour Party was opposed to terrorism 

and' violence for the purpose of 

propagating a political creed. "At the 

same time we are opposed to the policy of 

internment without trial," the manifesto 

stated. ' 

LIMERICK MAN FINED AT 

BIRMINGHAM 

f 

D 

ESMOND KELLY (37), of Cecil street. 

Limerick, lodging in Washwood Heath 

Road. Birmingham, was fined £20, or 51 days 

imprisonment, at Birmingham, for recording 

and imparting information which might be 

of value to the enemy regarding munitions. 

•The letter, said Mr. M. P. Pugh, prosecuting, 

was written to a man named Ted Webster, 

navigator, Britain-Eire air service. 

"The information," he added, "may now 

be in the hands of the 1 enemy." 

The defendant admitted, in a statement 

to the police, that he knew it could be of 

value to the enemies of Great Britain. 

TRIED TO PICK 

POCKET 

DETECTIVE'S 

trying to pick the poclcct of a detective 

who was boarding a tram in Royal 

IÔR 

Avenue, Samuel M'Conneil (49), labourer. 

Little Grosvjuior 8tre

Irish Freedom April 1943

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