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2022 Year in Review

The Year in Review is YDS’ biggest and most exciting publication of the year - featuring analysis that covers the most significant and impactful events that have shaped our world. The 2022 Year in Review explores key events in all regions, from the overturning of Roe v Wade, the war in Ukraine, and the UK leadership crisis, this year’s edition is not one to miss! Read it now !

The Year in Review is YDS’ biggest and most exciting publication of the year - featuring analysis that covers the most significant and impactful events that have shaped our world.

The 2022 Year in Review explores key events in all regions, from the overturning of Roe v Wade, the war in Ukraine, and the UK leadership crisis, this year’s edition is not one to miss!

Read it now !

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Azerbaijan, which received substantial military and unconditional diplomatic support

from its key ally Turkey, claimed victory in the decades-old conflict as the majority of the

disputed region’s territory came under Azerbaijani control. Since then, Armenian forces

have gradually withdrawn from the region as Russian peacekeepers were stationed to

provide a security guarantee to the remaining Armenian population.

The war had a devastating impact not only because of the enormous casualties that both

sides suffered, especially Armenia, but also because it caused an unprecedented

domestic crisis in a politically, economically, and militarily weakened Armenia. The

geopolitical implications of the war were also undeniably significant: under the veil of an

incomplete Azerbaijani victory, the influence of Russia and especially Turkey in South

Caucasus grew exponentially. After the war ended, Erdogan and Azerbaijan’s President

Ilham Aliyev have further deepened their cooperation based on the “one nation, two

states” model. They have escalated their threats against Armenia in a campaign of

maximum pressure to score gains that would be hardly imaginable a few years ago.

HIGH HOPES, MAXIMALIST EXPECTATIONS

Both sides have demonstrated political willingness to engage in a process that can result

in tangible steps towards normalisation: Armenia because it is forced to, given the

geopolitical circumstances and the ever-growing threats, Turkey because it sees a unique

opportunity to settle the “Armenian question” once and forever, with the help of

Azerbaijan. But willingness to negotiate and launch intensive diplomatic talks, as

evidenced by the past and by the lack of tangible steps today, is hardly enough to bring

positive results. The reason is not only because of Pashinyan’s lack of support from a key

stakeholder, the Armenian diaspora, but also because of the maximalist expectations on

the Turkish side.

The most pressing and dangerous expectation on the Turkish side, in fact, is not the

demand to give up any claims related to the Armenian Genocide, but the so-called

“Zangezur corridor” that both Erdogan and Aliyev want from Pashinyan. The Azerbaijani

President has constantly threatened to use force to open this extraterrestrial corridor

that will link mainland Azerbaijan with its exclave Nakhichevan, and thus Turkey, in what

reminds many of the pan-Turkish ideas that were prevalent in the beginning of the 20th

century. While Pashinyan has suggested practical steps to open up communication lines

in the region, including through Armenian territory, the Armenian side and Iran have

clearly indicated that any land grab in the name of a transportation corridor is

unacceptable.

P A G E 5 8

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