Theory of Knowledge - Course Companion for Students Marija Uzunova Dang Arvin Singh Uzunov Dang

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the evidence it was based on andculture,conclusions drawn from it. His critiquethesevere on both Mead’s methodologywasintegrity: he painted her as a youngandfundamentally misunderstandingethnographerof the culture she was studying, selectingaspectsthat suited her and generalizing herevidencetoo far. He also claimed that Meadconclusionstricked into believing stories of sexualwasby her female informants, who wereescapadesfact joking. Of course, Margaret Mead was notinto respond.arounddebate raged for years. Some were andTheconvinced by Freeman, and evenremainedrefer to the episode as an exposé andtodaynecessary corrective of the anthropologicalathat cautions us against inflatingrecordreputations of iconic intellectuals. Thetheof anthropology was confronted withfielddisagreements about standards ofdeepthesovereignty of analysis, theevidence,of interpretation and thedisinterestednessof contested methodological rigour andIssuesintegrity are explored in differentprofessionalthroughout this chapter. What iscontextsabout this example is that it draws ourimportantalso to the dynamics of the encountersattentionWestern researchers and colonizedbetweenIndigenous Peoples. This is what makesandepisode relevant today beyond the topic ofthishistory. A lot has been said aboutanthropologicaland Freeman, but what of the SamoansMeadlaunched these anthropologists’ careers?whothe controversy scrutinized what we knowWhilehuman culture and biology, and how weaboutit, the Samoans at the centre were largelyknowanthropological literature is riddled withTheof representation. In some ways it isproblemscentral problem of the discipline. If Meadtheright that culture so powerfully shapeswasthen we must pay special attention tosocieties,cultures of academic and other knowledge-theinstitutions. We see this influenceproducingstudents start sounding like the peoplewhenthat echoing in our voices are theanthropologyof our ancestors. To honour the diversevoicesin which anthropology is being practisedwaysprojects such as the Decanonizingglobally,syllabus offer neglected butanthropologyalternatives to mainstream texts.deservingthis might be of particular interest toWhileof anthropology, the lesson for TOKstudentsterms: site: footnotesblog.SearchDecanonizingcomlearners and knowers, we are personallyAsfor the knowledge we haveresponsibledo not have, as we move on to II.3,andthe acquisition of knowledge in theexploringabout one discipline in the humanThinkthat you study.sciencesWho are the influential thinkers that have1.the discipline?shapedwhether and how yourConsiderof this discipline has beenunderstandingby the particular set of thinkers orshapedyou have been given access to.ideas(a) Do you have a responsibility to seek2.historically underrepresentedoutWhat value, for your own knowledge(b)this discipline, do you see in suchofIf you were to seek out historically underrepresented3.perspectives, where wouldstart, and what questions wouldyouask? youexpand on this issue in III.1 with anWeof who the humans are in theexaminationII. PerspectivesII. Perspectiveshumansciences.For reflectionWho is represented by the humanvalidity of conclusions.sciences?perspectives?left out of the conversation.an exercise?human sciences.they study. It is, after all, one of the lessons of219

we look at the simplifications that areHerenecessary in the teaching of disiplinaryoftento students or the general public.knowledgetheir early encounters with new disciplinesInreceive simplified explanations of thestudentscauses, origins, effects and functionscomplexphenomena and concepts. The idea is thatofextended study, the nuance will appearthroughthe complexity will emerge. This is notandto the human sciences, and we exploreuniquea world without money. How wouldImagineexchange things and get what theyhumansYou might imagine people trading thingsneed?different things: four eggs for a bottle offortwo cows for a horse. Pursue it further andmilk;we find that this system of exchange,quicklybarter, is inefficient and inconvenient;calledexample, when you need to exchange halfforhorse for a donkey, without killing the horse.aor later someone, somewhere, so theSoonergoes, has the idea of money. Given thisstorymoney might even seem inevitable.story,has been a feature of economicsBartersince the advent of the moderntextbooksright up to the present day, usuallydisciplineas the way of things in “simple, earlydescribeduntil someone invented moneyeconomies”1999). We checked a number of IB and(Randalleconomics textbooks and foundundergraduateevery one of them described barter in earlythatsocieties. The story of barter haspre-moderntold and retold for a long time, perhapsbeenit neatly presents pre-money economicbecauseas problematic.exchangesSmith described it as “higgling,Adamswapping, dickering”—so eventuallyhaggling,came along to free us from thesemoneyproblems.this story about barter is a myth.However,example of a barter economy, pure and“Noin Chapter 7, II.5. Unacknowledgedgenetics,uncorrected simplifications can lead toandexample below refers to how, in explainingThecomplex origins of money, textbookstheus to an economic fairy tale of “simplerreferof the past. We invite healthysocieties”whenever simple societies arescepticismas the key to understanding complexpresentedKeep in mind whether there is aphenomena.between simplicity and accuracy, andtrade-offthis may affect the acquisition and transferhowknowledge.ofhas ever been described, let alonesimple,emergence from it of money,” wrotetheHumphrey, anthropology professorCarolineCambridge University, decades ago (1985).atsociologists, anthropologists andNumerouseconomists agree: the ethnographicpoliticaldoes not support the story. When thererecorda record, barter almost exclusively occursisstrangers or enemies (that is, betweenbetweenwho share no relationship); or, later,peoplepeople who were accustomed tobetweenbut could not use it for some reason,moneyas hyperinflation or shortage. What issuchnot only is there no evidence for themore,of barter, there is plenty of evidencemythit. David Graeber, anthropologyagainstat the London School of Economics,professoras follows.writesfact, our standard account of monetary“Inis precisely backwards. We did nothistory8II. PerspectivesII.3 Simplicity and accuracy: Thetextbook problemsignificant problems of knowledge.an example from natural sciences, in Mendel’sBox 8.3: The myth of barter, the inevitability of money and our moral imagination220

the evidence it was based on and

culture,

conclusions drawn from it. His critique

the

severe on both Mead’s methodology

was

integrity: he painted her as a young

and

fundamentally misunderstanding

ethnographer

of the culture she was studying, selecting

aspects

that suited her and generalizing her

evidence

too far. He also claimed that Mead

conclusions

tricked into believing stories of sexual

was

by her female informants, who were

escapades

fact joking. Of course, Margaret Mead was not

in

to respond.

around

debate raged for years. Some were and

The

convinced by Freeman, and even

remained

refer to the episode as an exposé and

today

necessary corrective of the anthropological

a

that cautions us against inflating

record

reputations of iconic intellectuals. The

the

of anthropology was confronted with

field

disagreements about standards of

deep

thesovereignty of analysis, the

evidence,

of interpretation and the

disinterestedness

of contested methodological rigour and

Issues

integrity are explored in different

professional

throughout this chapter. What is

contexts

about this example is that it draws our

important

also to the dynamics of the encounters

attention

Western researchers and colonized

between

Indigenous Peoples. This is what makes

and

episode relevant today beyond the topic of

this

history. A lot has been said about

anthropological

and Freeman, but what of the Samoans

Mead

launched these anthropologists’ careers?

who

the controversy scrutinized what we know

While

human culture and biology, and how we

about

it, the Samoans at the centre were largely

know

anthropological literature is riddled with

The

of representation. In some ways it is

problems

central problem of the discipline. If Mead

the

right that culture so powerfully shapes

was

then we must pay special attention to

societies,

cultures of academic and other knowledge-

the

institutions. We see this influence

producing

students start sounding like the people

when

that echoing in our voices are the

anthropology

of our ancestors. To honour the diverse

voices

in which anthropology is being practised

ways

projects such as the Decanonizing

globally,

syllabus offer neglected but

anthropology

alternatives to mainstream texts.

deserving

this might be of particular interest to

While

of anthropology, the lesson for TOK

students

terms: site: footnotesblog.

Search

Decanonizing

com

learners and knowers, we are personally

As

for the knowledge we have

responsible

do not have, as we move on to II.3,

and

the acquisition of knowledge in the

exploring

about one discipline in the human

Think

that you study.

sciences

Who are the influential thinkers that have

1.

the discipline?

shaped

whether and how your

Consider

of this discipline has been

understanding

by the particular set of thinkers or

shaped

you have been given access to.

ideas

(a) Do you have a responsibility to seek

2.

historically underrepresented

out

What value, for your own knowledge

(b)

this discipline, do you see in such

of

If you were to seek out historically underrepresented

3.

perspectives, where would

start, and what questions would

you

ask? you

expand on this issue in III.1 with an

We

of who the humans are in the

examination

II. Perspectives

II. Perspectives

humansciences.

For reflection

Who is represented by the human

validity of conclusions.

sciences?

perspectives?

left out of the conversation.

an exercise?

human sciences.

they study. It is, after all, one of the lessons of

219

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