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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Haiti</strong>: National Security<br />

thous<strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>an cane cutters migrate annually to assist in the<br />

harvest of <strong>Dominican</strong> sugar plantations. Nevertheless, the issue<br />

of legal <strong>and</strong> illegal <strong>Haiti</strong>an workers in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong><br />

is a source of friction. During a visit by <strong>Haiti</strong>an president Rene<br />

Garcia Preval to the <strong>Dominican</strong> capital of Santo Domingo in<br />

1996, the first such event in decades, the authorities of the two<br />

countries agreed to set up a joint commission on trade, immigration,<br />

<strong>and</strong> other problems.<br />

Traditionally, the military has seen its role as an autonomous<br />

force available to intervene in crises that threaten lawful<br />

authority. It has, however, been subject to chronic instability<br />

traceable in part to generational <strong>and</strong> political differences<br />

among members of the officer corps <strong>and</strong> the complicating role<br />

of the VSN <strong>and</strong> other paramilitary groups. As of 1999, the<br />

former military leaders <strong>and</strong> agents of the paramilitary groups<br />

still presented a latent threat to the post-1994 government.<br />

Many of these figures live in exile in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong><br />

or in one of the Central American countries. Other former soldiers<br />

are employed by private security companies <strong>and</strong> as personal<br />

bodyguards of wealthy families. The private security firms<br />

are larger <strong>and</strong> better armed than the <strong>Haiti</strong>an police. Arms are<br />

easily available to dissident elements. Only about 30,000 of<br />

roughly 175,000 guns in <strong>Haiti</strong> have been seized or turned in<br />

under the United States-sponsored buy-back program.<br />

Armed groups could potentially bring about the collapse of<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>'s civilian government by assassinations of leading politicians,<br />

aiding plots by disaffected elements, or taking advantage<br />

of mounting turmoil growing out of street violence <strong>and</strong> economic<br />

distress or politically manipulated demonstrations. The<br />

continued presence of small United States military contingents<br />

<strong>and</strong> UN-sponsored personnel acts as a limited deterrent on<br />

actions intended to overturn domestic institutions.<br />

Government officials have charged that former military figures<br />

have encouraged paramilitary gangs to demoralize <strong>and</strong><br />

destabilize the political situation by demonstrating that the<br />

PNH is unable to ensure the nation's internal security. An incident<br />

in May 1999 in which eleven detainees were gunned down<br />

by the police in Port-au-Prince has been cited as a deliberate<br />

plot to tarnish the image of the PNH. Seven officers were<br />

arrested, including the Port-au-Prince police commissioner, a<br />

former army officer.<br />

Episodes of violence are common in <strong>Haiti</strong>, particularly in<br />

the slum area of Port-au-Prince known as Cite Soleil, which the<br />

475

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