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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

other bilateral <strong>and</strong> multilateral donors for the rehabilitation<br />

<strong>and</strong> development of the country over five years. Four years<br />

later, the majority of those funds (approximately US$1.5 billion)<br />

remained undisbursed, largely as a result of factors in<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong> (see Economic Policies, ch. 8).<br />

Relations with the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong><br />

The second most important country to <strong>Haiti</strong> is the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong>, with which it shares the isl<strong>and</strong> of Hispaniola. An<br />

enormous amount of trade, much of it informal, crosses the<br />

border. The <strong>Haiti</strong>an economy has proved to be a desirable market<br />

for <strong>Dominican</strong> products. During the 1991-94 period of<br />

international economic sanctions on <strong>Haiti</strong>, the flow of goods<br />

from the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> provided a lifeline for the de<br />

facto military regime <strong>and</strong> facilitated the market penetration of<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> products as never before. By the mid-1990s, an estimated<br />

US$50 million in products flowed annually from the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> into <strong>Haiti</strong>.<br />

Until recently, political relations between <strong>Haiti</strong> <strong>and</strong> the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> have been strained. For generations, <strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />

had informally crossed into the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> in<br />

search of work. The perceived "blackening" of the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

population resulting from this population flow motivated dictator<br />

Rafael Trujillo (1930-61) to carry out a notorious massacre<br />

of <strong>Haiti</strong>ans in 1937. Nevertheless, more than 250,000 people of<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>an parentage now live in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>.<br />

In recent decades, <strong>Haiti</strong> has supplied cheap labor to the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>, mostly to harvest sugarcane <strong>and</strong> coffee,<br />

<strong>and</strong>, until 1986, through a formal intergovernmental<br />

exchange. The question of the status <strong>and</strong> treatment of those<br />

laborers, a prickly issue between the two countries, occasionally<br />

has spilled onto the international stage. In July 1991, for example,<br />

when United States congressional hearings on the treatment<br />

of <strong>Haiti</strong>an laborers in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> exposed<br />

abusive treatment of <strong>Haiti</strong>an children in the canefields,<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> President Joaquin Balaguer responded by pushing<br />

thous<strong>and</strong>s of poor, dark-skinned people, mostly <strong>Haiti</strong>ans, but<br />

also some <strong>Dominican</strong>-<strong>Haiti</strong>ans born in his country, across the<br />

border, creating a refugee crisis in the hemisphere's already<br />

poorest country. Although the issue of <strong>Haiti</strong>ans in the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong> remains a difficult one, since the mid-1990s <strong>and</strong><br />

the election of Presidents Rene Preval in <strong>Haiti</strong> <strong>and</strong> Leonel<br />

Fern<strong>and</strong>ez in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>, relations between the<br />

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