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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Haiti</strong>: Government <strong>and</strong> Politics<br />

sympathizers who lost their jobs when ministries were downsized<br />

in 1990. Still others included the sons of past military <strong>and</strong><br />

makout leaders, who, in 1993, organized the Revolutionary<br />

Front for the Advancement <strong>and</strong> Progress of <strong>Haiti</strong> (Front<br />

Revolutionnaire pour l'Avancement et le Progres d'<strong>Haiti</strong><br />

FRAPH) , a paramilitary group that backed the military regime.<br />

Following the MNF intervention, decommissioned members of<br />

the FAd'H <strong>and</strong> some of their political allies joined this loose,<br />

anti-democracy network. With the abolition of the FAd'H, however,<br />

the disparate groups <strong>and</strong> individuals that make up this<br />

network, although representing a destabilizing factor, have no<br />

established institutional base for coordination or support.<br />

The Elite<br />

The system of public <strong>and</strong> private monopolies, including parastatals<br />

<strong>and</strong> import-substitution industries, developed under<br />

the Duvaliers <strong>and</strong> sustained by subsequent military regimes<br />

generated great wealth for a h<strong>and</strong>ful of powerful families in<br />

Port-au-Prince. Viewing itself threatened by changes in the<br />

political status quo, this elite sector backed the military governments<br />

likely to protect their lucrative business privileges established<br />

under the old regime. Characterized as MREs (Morally<br />

Repugnant Elites) by international actors during the de facto<br />

military period, <strong>Haiti</strong>'s upper crust has had to adapt to the<br />

country's altered political framework following an international<br />

intervention that came not to their assistance, but to the<br />

assistance of those they opposed.<br />

Not all of <strong>Haiti</strong>'s elite can be assigned MRE status. Some,<br />

feeling the pinch of international sanctions <strong>and</strong> perhaps disgust<br />

with the FAd'H's mounting human rights atrocities, exhibited<br />

a willingness to work toward the restoration of the Aristide<br />

government prior to the intervention, as evidenced by their<br />

participation in a widely publicized meeting in Miami with Aristide<br />

<strong>and</strong> his supporters in early 1994. Since the restoration of<br />

democratic governance, they <strong>and</strong> others have opened relations<br />

with the Aristide <strong>and</strong> Preval administrations, seeking mutually<br />

beneficial relations <strong>and</strong> upholding the deeply established practice<br />

of politique de doublure (political understudies) (see Early<br />

Years of Independence, 1804-43, ch. 6). Since 1994 some government<br />

officials have privately expressed displeasure with the<br />

MRE characterization, feeling that it maintains polarization at<br />

a time when reconciliation is required. "This country will not<br />

develop without their participation," one high-ranking official<br />

447

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