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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Haiti</strong>: Government <strong>and</strong> Politics<br />

actually two distinct countries—the <strong>Republic</strong> of <strong>Haiti</strong> <strong>and</strong> the<br />

<strong>Republic</strong> of Port-au-Prince—that have little contact with each<br />

other. The sharp division between them <strong>and</strong> between the outsiders<br />

of rural <strong>Haiti</strong> <strong>and</strong> the city dwellers is reflected in the<br />

dominance of the capital city. National political institutions<br />

<strong>and</strong> decisions, steadfastly focused on Port-au-Prince, have been<br />

far removed from the lives of most <strong>Haiti</strong>ans. The political system<br />

affects all <strong>Haiti</strong>ans, but changes in government have had<br />

little direct impact on the lives of rural dwellers. Governments<br />

have concentrated themselves in the capital, allocating twothirds<br />

or more of their revenues to be spent in a city that traditionally<br />

has held fewer than 20 percent of <strong>Haiti</strong>'s people. Foreign<br />

assistance has tended to exacerbate rural-urban<br />

differences because about 40 percent of all foreign aid has<br />

directly benefited Port-au-Prince.<br />

In contrast to the relative, albeit selective <strong>and</strong> uneven, development<br />

of Port-au-Prince, provincial cities <strong>and</strong> towns <strong>and</strong> rural<br />

hamlets have remained undeveloped, lacking such basic twentieth-century<br />

amenities as electricity, piped water, sanitation services,<br />

<strong>and</strong> adequate roads. They offer their inhabitants little<br />

more than primitive conditions, few opportunities, <strong>and</strong> a place<br />

from which to try to escape, an option taken by ever-increasing<br />

numbers seeking perceived greater opportunities in Port-au-<br />

Prince <strong>and</strong> farther afield. As a result of shifting populations,<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>'s rural <strong>and</strong> urban demographics have begun to change,<br />

Port-au-Prince <strong>and</strong> its environs have exp<strong>and</strong>ed significantly, in<br />

all possible directions, <strong>and</strong> in 1998 held approximately 2 million<br />

inhabitants (see Population, ch. 7).<br />

Following the demise of the Duvalier dictatorship in 1986,<br />

decentralization became a catch phrase of those seeking<br />

greater public-sector attention to secondary cities, small towns,<br />

<strong>and</strong> villages, <strong>and</strong> a reversal of historical trends of government<br />

investment. In the succeeding years of military rule, decentralization<br />

came principally in the form of opening regional ports<br />

that had been closed by the dictatorship <strong>and</strong> fallen into disrepair.<br />

The port openings, which could have increased customs<br />

revenue <strong>and</strong> fueled local development, resulted instead in the<br />

generation of wealth for those linked to the contrab<strong>and</strong> trade<br />

that flowed in <strong>and</strong> out of the reopened ports. Key public institutions<br />

responsible for controlling trade <strong>and</strong> overseeing revenue<br />

collection, notably the customs bureau, port authority, <strong>and</strong><br />

coast guard, were either corrupt, inept, or nonexistent.<br />

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