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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

against syphilis, yaws, malaria, <strong>and</strong> hookworm. They tried to<br />

modernize agriculture by creating an agricultural-technical system,<br />

the Service Technique, with the help of United States agricultural<br />

experts. They sought to professionalize the security<br />

forces by replacing the constabulary, or gendarmerie, with a<br />

National Guard. They attempted to stabilize the <strong>Haiti</strong>an currency,<br />

the gourde, by linking it to the dollar.<br />

Whatever initial <strong>Haiti</strong>an enthusiasm existed for the United<br />

States invasion dimmed quickly. <strong>Haiti</strong>ans increasingly disliked<br />

the marine presence <strong>and</strong> governance. They resented the legalization<br />

of l<strong>and</strong> ownership by foreigners <strong>and</strong> the forced drafts of<br />

peasants for road building, known as corvee.<br />

A particular problem was the racial prejudice of the United<br />

States Marines. The marines favored the predominantly lightskinned<br />

mulatto elite <strong>and</strong> installed a series of mulatto presidents<br />

that lasted through Stenio Vincent (1930-41).<br />

The marines were charged with promoting stability. As part<br />

of this mission, they created <strong>and</strong> trained a gendarmerie, which<br />

came to be called the Garde d'<strong>Haiti</strong>, <strong>and</strong> was a precursor to the<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>an army. The Garde was increasingly employed to hunt<br />

down <strong>and</strong> kill <strong>Haiti</strong>ans who opposed the occupation <strong>and</strong> may<br />

ultimately have killed as many as 6,000 <strong>and</strong> put another 5,500<br />

into labor camps. The intolerance of North American whites of<br />

the occupying force caused indignation, resentment, <strong>and</strong> eventually<br />

a racial pride that was reflected in the work of a new generation<br />

of <strong>Haiti</strong>an historians, ethnologists, writers, artists, <strong>and</strong><br />

others, many of whom later became active in politics <strong>and</strong> government.<br />

In 1918 Charlemagne Peralte, a former military officer from<br />

a rural, middle-class family, proclaimed himself leader of the<br />

cacos (mercenary b<strong>and</strong>s) <strong>and</strong> announced that he was determined<br />

"to drive the invaders into the sea <strong>and</strong> free <strong>Haiti</strong>."<br />

Peralte attacked outlying military establishments <strong>and</strong> then, on<br />

October 7, 1919, Port-au-Prince itself. Peralte became a<br />

national hero, but, shortly afterward, he was betrayed,<br />

ambushed at gunpoint, killed, <strong>and</strong> then publicly displayed as a<br />

warning to other rebels. Benoit Batraville took his place, but<br />

after his murder in 1920, armed resistance to the occupation<br />

ended.<br />

The marine occupation continued after World War I,<br />

although it was an embarrassment to President Woodrow Wilson<br />

at the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919, where national<br />

self-determination was a major topic. It was not until 1929,<br />

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