19.06.2022 Views

Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

faced increasing national economic constraints that forced<br />

stringent limits on defense spending. Although force levels <strong>and</strong><br />

personnel budgets were generally left untouched, aging equipment<br />

was not replaced. As a result, as of 1999 equipment in all<br />

three services was outmoded, in short supply, <strong>and</strong> of doubtful<br />

operational utility.<br />

Role of the Military in Public Life<br />

The 1966 constitution describes the armed forces as "essentially<br />

obedient <strong>and</strong> apolitical <strong>and</strong> without the right to deliberate.<br />

The purpose of their creation is to defend the<br />

independence <strong>and</strong> integrity of the republic, to maintain public<br />

order, <strong>and</strong> to uphold the Constitution <strong>and</strong> the laws." By law,<br />

members of the armed forces are denied the right to vote <strong>and</strong><br />

the right to participate in the activities of political parties <strong>and</strong><br />

organized labor.<br />

Since the early 1960s, the political influence of the military<br />

has declined. And military officers have largely accepted their<br />

status as defenders of national sovereignty <strong>and</strong> their subservience<br />

to the civilian government hierarchy. During Balaguer's<br />

first two terms (1966-78), the president reinforced his control<br />

by accommodating high officers, helping them to become<br />

l<strong>and</strong>owners, merchants, <strong>and</strong> industrialists, positions they could<br />

not have attained had they remained in the purely military<br />

sphere. When Balaguer left office in 1978, the officers were<br />

reluctant to see power h<strong>and</strong>ed over to Antonio Guzman, fearing<br />

a threat to their profitable positions. Their fears were justified.<br />

Guzman retired some forty pro-Balaguer generals <strong>and</strong><br />

introduced a period of military professionalization. When Balaguer<br />

resumed power in 1986, however, the retired generals<br />

were reintegrated into the military <strong>and</strong> offered a financial<br />

stake in the regime. Although friendly to the military establishment,<br />

Balaguer's authoritarian style enabled him to keep it on<br />

a tight leash (see Interest Groups <strong>and</strong> Social Actors, ch. 4).<br />

After disputed elections marred by fraud in 1994 between<br />

Jose Francisco Peha Gomez of the <strong>Dominican</strong> Revolutionary<br />

Party (Partido Revolucionario <strong>Dominican</strong>o—PRD) <strong>and</strong> Balaguer<br />

of the Reformist Social Christian Party (Partido Reformista<br />

Social Cristiano—PRSC), the <strong>Dominican</strong> military openly<br />

supported the election board's declaration of Balaguer's victory.<br />

(Balaguer had won elections in 1966, 1970, <strong>and</strong> 1974; was<br />

voted out of office in 1978; <strong>and</strong> was reelected in 1986 <strong>and</strong><br />

1990.) An official communique warned against attempts to<br />

220

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!