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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>: Government <strong>and</strong> Politics<br />

tion <strong>and</strong> continued commitment to violence among some. In<br />

1986 there were no active political forces committed to the use<br />

of violence. As in his first period as president, Balaguer sought<br />

to place officers he trusted in key places, occasionally rotating<br />

them to keep them off balance. However, far more than in the<br />

1960s <strong>and</strong> 1970s, he now made a mockery of any sense of military<br />

professionalism or career path. Balaguer also permitted<br />

the budget to decline; paid the military appallingly low salaries,<br />

thus inviting corruption; allowed the armed forces to become<br />

one of the most top heavy on the continent; <strong>and</strong> made generals<br />

out of individuals such as his personal chauffeur.<br />

The decline in military professionalism continued to deteriorate<br />

the longer Balaguer remained in office. Not surprisingly,<br />

given the low salaries <strong>and</strong> lack of official functions for many<br />

officers, corruption was alleged to be rampant. For example,<br />

because of their presence along the <strong>Haiti</strong>an border, the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> military played an important role in acquiring <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

labor for state sugar mills, for which bribery was often<br />

involved, <strong>and</strong> also in "facilitating" contrab<strong>and</strong> trade between<br />

the two countries (especially during the period of the international<br />

embargo of <strong>Haiti</strong> in 1993 <strong>and</strong> 1994).<br />

Balaguer's policies helped provoke unhappiness within the<br />

ranks of the military, especially among frustrated individuals in<br />

the lower ranks who perceived their chance of advancement as<br />

blocked by individuals who had been brought back from retirement<br />

<strong>and</strong> remained in place. Although some military might<br />

have been willing to support Balaguer by force of arms if called<br />

to do so, during the 1990s it appears that the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

armed forces were becoming increasingly divided in their political<br />

loyalties. In both the 1994 <strong>and</strong> 1996 elections, all the major<br />

presidential c<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>and</strong> parties possessed the support of at<br />

least some military officers. Opposition parties did not complain<br />

of centralized military harassment against them,<br />

although evidence of local-level military bias was present.<br />

In sum, as a result of the actions of the PRD <strong>and</strong> the more<br />

cautious <strong>and</strong> cynical steps subsequently by Balaguer, the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> armed forces were largely not a political threat to<br />

democracy. Yet, occasionally, firm action was still required by<br />

the president: soon after assuming the presidency in August<br />

1996, President Fern<strong>and</strong>ez was forced to dismiss the head of<br />

the air force, General Juan Bautista Rojas Tabar, when the general<br />

challenged the president's political authority. President<br />

Fern<strong>and</strong>ez has been seeking to improve the degree of profes-<br />

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