Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies
by Helen Chapin Metz et al by Helen Chapin Metz et al
Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies union-breaking activities, including the summoning of police to put down union activities. These and other conditions have both weakened and politicized the labor movement. Because collective bargaining is limited to only a few of the larger firms, political action, such as street demonstrations, marches to the National Palace, and general strikes, is a widely used tactic. These tactics are meant to put pressure on the government to side with the workers in labor disputes. During the 1980s, a number of important urban, neighborhood-based protest organizations emerged. Their emergence was facilitated by greater democratic freedoms under PRD governments, and sometimes by the assistance of local church and other activists as well as by international aid. The activism of these groups was enhanced by the country's growing economic crisis. Typically, they focused on local-level demands such as salary increases, price reductions for basic products, and improvements in public transportation, water, and electricity services. Despite various efforts by the organizations during the 1980s and 1990s to move toward more effective, centralized, unified action, such efforts largely failed. Tensions within the organizations and between them and the already divided labor movement were also sometimes exploited by the government, particularly under Balaguer, who was a master at employing patronage and clientelism to coopt leaders and divide and weaken popular movements. Similarly, independent peasant groups have been limited, weak, and often politically fragmented. Balaguer excelled at such political fragmentation. He retained loyal support among many in the rural sector through his appeals for a conservative, Roman Catholic nationalism and for order and stability. He also occasionally distributed land titles and other personalist benefits, even as the urban bias of many government policies led to massive rural to urban migration as well as emigration overseas. Furthermore, trade union and peasant organizations have rarely succeeded in forming a workable joint organization composed of Dominicans and Haitian migrants. Indeed, during 1999, the Dominican government took steps to try to limit the influx of Haitians and to repatriate some it considered to be in the country illegally. The increased presence of Haitians, in part because of the deteriorating situation in that country, once again became a sensitive issue domestically. 198
Dominican Republic: Government and Politics Mass Media Starting in the early 1960s, the Dominican Republic experienced a communications revolution. The spread of radio, television, and newspapers awakened the previously isolated countryside, stimulated rapid urbanization, and led to the political mobilization of millions of persons who had never participated in politics before. In addition, since Trujillo's death in 1961, the Dominican media have been among the freest in Latin America. In the 1990s, Dominicans have access to a multiplicity of radio and television stations domestically, including several that are state-owned and managed; many Dominicans also have access to major United States, Spanish, and Latin American networks through various satellite cable companies. All radio and television stations are government-licensed, a situation that has sometimes led to charges of undue pressure and manipulation. Furthermore, at election time, the state-owned media have usually been blatantly partisan in favor of the incumbent administration's candidates. As ownership of television units has grown, television has become the major medium through which the public receives its news. Those who cannot afford a set of their own often watch at neighbors' houses or in public places such as bars or shops. The country's major newspaper is the Listin Diario, founded in 1889 and revived in 1964. Santo Domingo boasts a number of other significant dailies as well, including Hoy, El Siglo, El Caribe, El National, and Ultima Hora. These newspapers circulate nationally, although other cities also have smaller papers. Ownership of newspapers tends to be concentrated in family-held conglomerates, which sometimes use their control of the press to advance the interests of their firms or to attack those of their rivals. Journalists are not always well paid and sometimes accept additional remuneration from government offices, political parties, or firms. Not surprisingly, objectivity in reporting sometimes suffers. At the same time, investigative reporting of alleged corruption, abuse, and negligence by government and by private-sector firms, previously almost unknown, has gained impetus over the past decade in these daily newspapers and also in the weekly newsmagazine, Rumbo. Roman Catholic Church The Dominican Republic remains about 80 percent Roman 199
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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>: Government <strong>and</strong> Politics<br />
Mass Media<br />
Starting in the early 1960s, the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> experienced<br />
a communications revolution. The spread of radio, television,<br />
<strong>and</strong> newspapers awakened the previously isolated<br />
countryside, stimulated rapid urbanization, <strong>and</strong> led to the<br />
political mobilization of millions of persons who had never participated<br />
in politics before. In addition, since Trujillo's death in<br />
1961, the <strong>Dominican</strong> media have been among the freest in<br />
Latin America.<br />
In the 1990s, <strong>Dominican</strong>s have access to a multiplicity of<br />
radio <strong>and</strong> television stations domestically, including several<br />
that are state-owned <strong>and</strong> managed; many <strong>Dominican</strong>s also have<br />
access to major United States, Spanish, <strong>and</strong> Latin American<br />
networks through various satellite cable companies. All radio<br />
<strong>and</strong> television stations are government-licensed, a situation<br />
that has sometimes led to charges of undue pressure <strong>and</strong><br />
manipulation. Furthermore, at election time, the state-owned<br />
media have usually been blatantly partisan in favor of the<br />
incumbent administration's c<strong>and</strong>idates. As ownership of television<br />
units has grown, television has become the major medium<br />
through which the public receives its news. Those who cannot<br />
afford a set of their own often watch at neighbors' houses or in<br />
public places such as bars or shops.<br />
The country's major newspaper is the Listin Diario, founded<br />
in 1889 <strong>and</strong> revived in 1964. Santo Domingo boasts a number<br />
of other significant dailies as well, including Hoy, El Siglo, El Caribe,<br />
El National, <strong>and</strong> Ultima Hora. These newspapers circulate<br />
nationally, although other cities also have smaller papers. Ownership<br />
of newspapers tends to be concentrated in family-held<br />
conglomerates, which sometimes use their control of the press<br />
to advance the interests of their firms or to attack those of their<br />
rivals. Journalists are not always well paid <strong>and</strong> sometimes accept<br />
additional remuneration from government offices, political<br />
parties, or firms. Not surprisingly, objectivity in reporting sometimes<br />
suffers. At the same time, investigative reporting of<br />
alleged corruption, abuse, <strong>and</strong> negligence by government <strong>and</strong><br />
by private-sector firms, previously almost unknown, has gained<br />
impetus over the past decade in these daily newspapers <strong>and</strong><br />
also in the weekly newsmagazine, Rumbo.<br />
Roman Catholic Church<br />
The <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> remains about 80 percent Roman<br />
199