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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

tionally responsible for the actions of such officials. Secretaries<br />

of state serve at the president's discretion, can be removed by<br />

the president, <strong>and</strong> function both as administrators of their secretariats<br />

<strong>and</strong> as agents of presidential authority.<br />

The extent to which presidents have sought to employ the<br />

cabinet as a functioning executive body to organize <strong>and</strong> implement<br />

policy has varied considerably. Balaguer rotated individuals<br />

in <strong>and</strong> out of such cabinet positions with great frequency<br />

<strong>and</strong> sometimes appointed people with little relevant background;<br />

he also granted the rank of secretary of state to large<br />

numbers of individuals other than cabinet ministers. Thus,<br />

alongside the formal bureaucratic structure of the state <strong>and</strong><br />

cabinet with its constant rotation of office-holders, there were<br />

the informal cliques of Balaguer's true confidants. The governments<br />

of the PRD <strong>and</strong> of the PLD differed from this pattern,<br />

while still retaining a high degree of personalism, <strong>and</strong>, in the<br />

case of Silvestre Antonio Guzman Fern<strong>and</strong>ez, nepotism.<br />

The Legislature<br />

The 1966 constitution confers all legislative powers on the<br />

Congress of the <strong>Republic</strong>, which consists of a Senate <strong>and</strong> a<br />

Chamber of Deputies. The election of senators <strong>and</strong> deputies is<br />

by direct vote every four years. Until 1994 congressional terms<br />

were coterminous with presidential terms. This fact greatly<br />

increased the possibility that the president's party would enjoy<br />

a majority in the legislature, particularly in the Senate. As a<br />

consequence of the 1994 constitutional reform that called for<br />

new presidential elections—but not congressional or local<br />

ones—in 1996, the electoral calendar now separates presidential<br />

elections by two years from elections for congressional <strong>and</strong><br />

local-level positions. This nonconcurrent timing decreases the<br />

likelihood that a president will have majority support in Congress.<br />

Under Balaguer the possession of such majorities, at least<br />

in the Senate, permitted not only the use but also the abuse of<br />

presidential power. However, as a result of the 1994 reform, the<br />

country faces the opposing risk of potential deadlock <strong>and</strong><br />

ungovernability because of executive-legislative confrontation<br />

between a minority administration <strong>and</strong> a Congress dominated<br />

by opposition parties.<br />

One senator is elected from each of the country's provinces<br />

<strong>and</strong> from the National District (Santo Domingo); in 1998 the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> Senate had thirty members (see fig. 2). This electoral<br />

rule provides for significant rural overrepresentation in<br />

176

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