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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

sion <strong>and</strong> violence. He emphasized themes of order <strong>and</strong> stability,<br />

<strong>and</strong> he continued to link <strong>Dominican</strong> nationalism to what he<br />

viewed as its Hispanic, Roman Catholic essence <strong>and</strong> to anti-<strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

themes. He was both a realist about power politics <strong>and</strong> a<br />

conservative nationalist; he recognized the overwhelming reality<br />

of the United States presence, but retained a certain disdain<br />

for that country <strong>and</strong> its leaders. Although he was willing to take<br />

United States aid, Balaguer had conservative instincts <strong>and</strong> a<br />

nationalist interpretation of <strong>Dominican</strong> history that led him<br />

generally to be, like Trujillo, a fiscal conservative.<br />

During the period from 1966 to 1978, Balaguer governed in<br />

an authoritarian fashion. In both 1970 <strong>and</strong> 1974, in the face of<br />

open military harassment, most opposition forces opted to<br />

abstain from participation in elections. In 1973 Bosch—skeptical<br />

about liberal democracy <strong>and</strong> critical of the United States<br />

left the PRD to found the more radical cadre-oriented Party of<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> Liberation (Partido de la Liberacion <strong>Dominican</strong>a—PLD).<br />

In 1976, however, in the face of growing United<br />

States pressure, mounting economic problems, <strong>and</strong> increasing<br />

domestic discontent, Balaguer began a process of political liberalization.<br />

Meanwhile, the PRD sought to moderate its image<br />

within the country, build support across all social sectors, <strong>and</strong><br />

strengthen its international ties. All this set the stage for Balaguer's<br />

electoral defeat in 1978 <strong>and</strong> a transition to democracy.<br />

The Contemporary Struggle for Democracy<br />

The <strong>Dominican</strong> Revolutionary Party (PRD) came into office<br />

in 1978 as a party committed to strengthening democracy <strong>and</strong><br />

fostering reform. However, the party's eight years in office were<br />

ultimately to be a disappointment. The PRD's most significant<br />

achievement was that one major threat to democracy, that of<br />

military incursion into politics, receded considerably, beginning<br />

in 1978 when President Silvestre Antonio Guzman<br />

Fern<strong>and</strong>ez forcibly removed high military officers favorable to<br />

Balaguer. Even when Balaguer returned to power in 1986, the<br />

military never regained the level of importance or of influence<br />

it had had during his first twelve years in office.<br />

In other respects, however, PRD administrations were not as<br />

successful. The Guzman administration (1978-82) was limited<br />

in its reform agenda because it faced a Senate controlled by<br />

Balaguer's party <strong>and</strong> then experienced growing intraparty<br />

rivalry in the PRD. Initial hopes that the administration of Salvador<br />

Jorge Blanco (1982-86) could be an important example<br />

164

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