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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>: The Economy<br />

nization with redistributing the ruler's former holdings to peasants.<br />

Agrarian reform was hindered by the country's stormy<br />

political transitions in the 1960s, but it was strengthened in<br />

1972 by legislation that authorized the government to expropriate<br />

unused farms in excess of 31.4 hectares under certain<br />

conditions. Despite the broad m<strong>and</strong>ate for l<strong>and</strong> reform, a<br />

cause strongly advocated by the Balaguer administration in the<br />

late 1980s, the IAD has made disappointing progress since<br />

1962, according to its critics. Figures vary considerably as to the<br />

number of hectares actually distributed (reportedly, some<br />

409,000 hectares by late 1987), with the greatest progress on<br />

redistribution occurring during the early years. Since 1988<br />

l<strong>and</strong> redistribution has been minimal.<br />

The IAD distributed parcels of l<strong>and</strong> to individuals, cooperatives,<br />

<strong>and</strong> settlements (asentamientos). A range of support services,<br />

including l<strong>and</strong>-clearing, road construction, irrigation,<br />

agricultural extension services, <strong>and</strong> credit, were also provided<br />

in principle. However, peasants criticized the IAD's sluggish<br />

performance in transferring l<strong>and</strong> titles, its distribution of<br />

mainly marginal agricultural l<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the generally inadequate<br />

level of support services caused by lack of funding <strong>and</strong><br />

ineffectual management of the IAD. For example, only 38 percent<br />

of IAD l<strong>and</strong> was actually devoted to the cultivation of<br />

crops in the late 1980s; 9 percent was devoted to livestock <strong>and</strong><br />

53 percent to forestry or other uses.<br />

After decades of wrangling, the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> completed<br />

the 1980s with the issue of l<strong>and</strong> largely unresolved from<br />

the perspectives of both peasants <strong>and</strong> commercial farmers.<br />

This failure was most evident in data demonstrating an ongoing<br />

pattern of skewed l<strong>and</strong> ownership. Frequent spontaneous<br />

l<strong>and</strong> seizures <strong>and</strong> invasions by peasants of underused l<strong>and</strong><br />

throughout the 1980s epitomized rural frustrations. On one<br />

end of the economic spectrum, numerous rural associations,<br />

disconcerted by the pace <strong>and</strong> the quality of l<strong>and</strong> reform, participated<br />

in l<strong>and</strong> seizures, dem<strong>and</strong>ing "l<strong>and</strong> for those who work<br />

it." On the other end of the spectrum, agribusiness complained<br />

of the government's inconsistent policies with regard to the<br />

expropriation of l<strong>and</strong>. Some analysts viewed such inconsistencies<br />

as a deterrent to new investment in diversified agriculture<br />

<strong>and</strong> therefore as counterproductive to the republic's efforts<br />

through the encouragement of tourism <strong>and</strong> the development<br />

of mineral resources to diversify its economy away from sugar.<br />

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