Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al by Helen Chapin Metz et al

19.06.2022 Views

Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies much greater degree from kinship-based networking than do members of the lower classes. The number of potential kin grows as an individual's net worth increases. The successful are obliged as a matter of course to bestow favors on a widely extended group of kin and colleagues. Individual success in the political arena carries along a host of hangers-on whose fortunes rise and fall with those of their patron. The well-to-do try to limit the demands of less illustrious kin and to obtain alliances with families of equal or greater status. These ties permit the extended family to diversify its social and economic capital. The Middle Sector The emerging influential middle sector, which includes the three components of upper-middle, middle-middle, and lowermiddle class, represents roughly 25 to 35 percent of the population in the late 1990s. It is concentrated in the ranks of salaried professionals in government and the private sector. Members of the middle sector have almost no independent sources of wealth and so are responsive to changes in the buying power of wages and contractions in employment that accompany economic cycles. The middle level follows the racial stratification of the society as a whole: generally lighterskinned as one proceeds up the social scale. As a group, the middle sector differs in lifestyle, marital stability, and occupation from the poor urban masses. Members firmly adhere to the Hispanic ideals of leisure and lifestyle espoused by the elite and consider themselves, at least in spirit, a part of la gente buena. As with the elite, economic expansion based on the growth of sugar production in the late nineteenth century broadened the middle reaches of the social ladder as well. Those of this new middle segment, however, are limited in their upward mobility by dark skin and/or limited finances. They are a diverse group that includes small shopowners, teachers, clerical employees, and professionals. They lack a class identity based on any sense of common social or economic interests. Moreover, any sense of mutual interest is undermined by the pervasiveness of the patron-client system. Individuals improve their status by linking up with a more privileged protector, not by joint political action for a shared goal. The life strategy of middle-class families is similar to that of the elite. Their goals are to diversify their economic assets and to extend their network of political and social influence. As 78

Dominican Republic: The Society and Its Environment with the elite, the middle-level family solidifies its position through patronage. An influential family can offer jobs to loyal followers and supporters. People expect that those with power will use it for their own ends and to advance their own and their family's interests. Ties to government are particularly important, because the government is the source of many coveted jobs (see Interest Groups and Social Actors, ch. 4). The Urban Poor The limited availability of adequately paid and steady employment continues to define life for most urban Dominicans. The proportion of poor people has increased for the whole country but mainly for the urban poor, 64 percent of the population in the mid-1990s. This proportion increased from 47 percent in 1984 to 57 percent in 1989; the percentage of indigents increased from 16 to 30 percent for the same period; and by 1991, 70 percent of the population had fallen below the poverty line. In 1990, 39 percent of the population was living in the most impoverished areas of the country—in twenty-two of the thirty provinces. Unemployment in the 1980s and 1990s ranged between 25 and 30 percent of the economically active population. In addition, more than 40 percent of the workforce is considered underemployed. In Santo Domingo and Santiago, the two largest cities, roughly 48 percent of the selfemployed, more than 50 percent of those paid piece rate, and 85 percent of temporary workers are underemployed. Under such conditions, those workers having regular employment constitute a relatively privileged segment of the urban populace. Rural-urban migration has made the situation of the urban poor even more desperate because of competition for shelter and jobs. For the new arrivals, however, the chances of earning a living are slightly better in cities than in rural areas, although the advantages of an urban job must be weighed against the higher cost of food. Although landless or nearly landless agricultural laborers might find it difficult to work even a garden plot, the rural family can generally get by on its own food production. For the urban poor, however, the struggle to eat is relentless. Under conditions of chronically high unemployment, low wages, and, until recently, a restrictive labor code, workers enjoy little power or leverage. Protective labor laws are limited in their coverage to workers in private companies with more 79

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

much greater degree from kinship-based networking than do<br />

members of the lower classes.<br />

The number of potential kin grows as an individual's net<br />

worth increases. The successful are obliged as a matter of<br />

course to bestow favors on a widely extended group of kin <strong>and</strong><br />

colleagues. Individual success in the political arena carries<br />

along a host of hangers-on whose fortunes rise <strong>and</strong> fall with<br />

those of their patron. The well-to-do try to limit the dem<strong>and</strong>s<br />

of less illustrious kin <strong>and</strong> to obtain alliances with families of<br />

equal or greater status. These ties permit the extended family<br />

to diversify its social <strong>and</strong> economic capital.<br />

The Middle Sector<br />

The emerging influential middle sector, which includes the<br />

three components of upper-middle, middle-middle, <strong>and</strong> lowermiddle<br />

class, represents roughly 25 to 35 percent of the population<br />

in the late 1990s. It is concentrated in the ranks of salaried<br />

professionals in government <strong>and</strong> the private sector.<br />

Members of the middle sector have almost no independent<br />

sources of wealth <strong>and</strong> so are responsive to changes in the buying<br />

power of wages <strong>and</strong> contractions in employment that<br />

accompany economic cycles. The middle level follows the<br />

racial stratification of the society as a whole: generally lighterskinned<br />

as one proceeds up the social scale. As a group, the<br />

middle sector differs in lifestyle, marital stability, <strong>and</strong> occupation<br />

from the poor urban masses. Members firmly adhere to<br />

the Hispanic ideals of leisure <strong>and</strong> lifestyle espoused by the elite<br />

<strong>and</strong> consider themselves, at least in spirit, a part of la gente<br />

buena. As with the elite, economic expansion based on the<br />

growth of sugar production in the late nineteenth century<br />

broadened the middle reaches of the social ladder as well.<br />

Those of this new middle segment, however, are limited in<br />

their upward mobility by dark skin <strong>and</strong>/or limited finances.<br />

They are a diverse group that includes small shopowners,<br />

teachers, clerical employees, <strong>and</strong> professionals. They lack a<br />

class identity based on any sense of common social or economic<br />

interests. Moreover, any sense of mutual interest is<br />

undermined by the pervasiveness of the patron-client system.<br />

Individuals improve their status by linking up with a more privileged<br />

protector, not by joint political action for a shared goal.<br />

The life strategy of middle-class families is similar to that of<br />

the elite. Their goals are to diversify their economic assets <strong>and</strong><br />

to extend their network of political <strong>and</strong> social influence. As<br />

78

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