Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies
by Helen Chapin Metz et al by Helen Chapin Metz et al
. —, Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies A few Chinese came from the other Caribbean islands and established a reputation for diligence and industriousness. More followed with the United States occupation of the island (1916-24). They began as cooks and domestic servants; a number of their descendants are restaurateurs and hotel owners. The most recent trickle of immigrants entered the country from the 1930s onward. Many founded agricultural colonies that suffered a high rate of attrition. Trujillo, who favored European "whites," admitted German Jews and Spanish civil war refugees (both in the 1930s) , Japanese (post World War II) and Hungarians and Spaniards (both in the 1950s). More Chinese came from Taiwan and Hong Kong in the 1970s; by the 1980s, they were the second fastest growing immigrant group Haitians being the first. Many had sufficient capital to set up manufacturing firms in the country's industrial free zones. In the 1990s, Chinese from Taiwan and Hong Kong continued to come to Haiti, along with some Japanese, Spaniards, and Venezuelans. Haitians Modern Haitian immigration to the Dominican Republic dates from the late nineteenth century, when increasing North American capital raised sugar production. Dominicans have never welcomed these immigrants, first, because of the legacy of the oppressive Haitian occupation and the Dominican struggle for independence and, second, because of Trujillo's and then Balaguer's views of Haitians and their anti-Haiti policies. The Haitian presence resulted from economic necessity born of the reluctance of Dominicans to perform the menial task of cane-cutting. The 1920 census listed slightly under 28,000 Haitian nationals in the Dominican Republic. Successive governments attempted to control the numbers of Haitians entering the country; the border was periodically closed in the 1910s and 1920s. But by 1935 the number had increased to more than 50,000. Trujillo ordered a general roundup of Haitians along the border in 1937, during which an estimated 5,000 to 12,000 Haitians were killed (see The Trujillo Era, ch. 1) Since the 1960s, a series of bilateral agreements has regulated legal Haitian immigration. In 1966 Balaguer contracted with the Haitian government for 10,000 to 20,000 temporary Haitian workers annually for the sugarcane harvest. When this agreement expired in the early 1980s, there was a great labor shortage on the Dominican State Sugar Council (Consejo 74
Dominican Republic: The Society and Its Environment Estatal del Azucar—CEA) plantations. In response, the Dominican army rounded up Haitians in the country and forcibly took them to the CEA estates. The exploitation of the Haitian cane cutters included their being forced to live in filthy hovels, called bateyes. In 1983 the International Labour Organisation issued a critical report about the situation, which was followed by similar reports by human rights groups in 1989 and 1990. Balaguer's response after his 1990 reelection was the deportation of 50,000 Haitian illegals. Shortly before the May 1996 election, Balaguer ordered another roundup and deportation of Haitians, this time to play the racial and nationalist card against "black" Francisco Peha Gomez, the candidate of the Dominican Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Dominicano—PRD) (see Political Parties, ch. 4). There is debate about the number of Haitians present in the Dominican Republic as well as the number who have entered legally or illegally because the estimates are often subject to political considerations. For example, at times the Balaguer government has claimed that as many as 75,000 to 100,000 Haitians have entered illegally. The 1960 census enumerated slightly under 30,000 Haitians living in the Dominican Republic. According to an unofficial Dominican census of 1991, the number of Haitian immigrants increased from around 97,000 in 1970 to 245,000 in 1991, with the majority still living in bateyes. Two well-known United States analysts have estimated that the number of Dominico-Haitians, or Dominicans of Haitian ancestry (they were not included in the 1991 figure of 245,000), increased by 100,000 between 1970 and 1991. The analysts also estimated that 500,000 Haitians and Dominico- Haitians were living in the Dominican Republic in 1995. During the 1970s and 1980s, some Haitians rose to high positions in sugar production and in other areas of the economy. Although Haitians continue to account for the vast majority of cane cutters, roughly half of all labor recruiters and field inspectors also are Haitians. Haitians also work harvesting coffee, rice, and cocoa and in construction in Santo Domingo. By 1980 nearly 30 percent of the paid laborers in the coffee harvest were Haitian; in the border region, the proportion rose to 80 percent. A reasonably skilled coffee picker can nearly double the earnings of the average cane cutter. Overall, however, Haitians' earnings still lag; their wages average less than 60 percent of those of Dominicans. 75
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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>: The Society <strong>and</strong> Its Environment<br />
Estatal del Azucar—CEA) plantations. In response, the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />
army rounded up <strong>Haiti</strong>ans in the country <strong>and</strong> forcibly<br />
took them to the CEA estates. The exploitation of the <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />
cane cutters included their being forced to live in filthy hovels,<br />
called bateyes. In 1983 the International Labour Organisation<br />
issued a critical report about the situation, which was followed<br />
by similar reports by human rights groups in 1989 <strong>and</strong> 1990.<br />
Balaguer's response after his 1990 reelection was the deportation<br />
of 50,000 <strong>Haiti</strong>an illegals. Shortly before the May 1996<br />
election, Balaguer ordered another roundup <strong>and</strong> deportation<br />
of <strong>Haiti</strong>ans, this time to play the racial <strong>and</strong> nationalist card<br />
against "black" Francisco Peha Gomez, the c<strong>and</strong>idate of the<br />
<strong>Dominican</strong> Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario<br />
<strong>Dominican</strong>o—PRD) (see Political Parties, ch. 4).<br />
There is debate about the number of <strong>Haiti</strong>ans present in the<br />
<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> as well as the number who have entered<br />
legally or illegally because the estimates are often subject to<br />
political considerations. For example, at times the Balaguer<br />
government has claimed that as many as 75,000 to 100,000 <strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />
have entered illegally. The 1960 census enumerated<br />
slightly under 30,000 <strong>Haiti</strong>ans living in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>.<br />
According to an unofficial <strong>Dominican</strong> census of 1991, the<br />
number of <strong>Haiti</strong>an immigrants increased from around 97,000<br />
in 1970 to 245,000 in 1991, with the majority still living in<br />
bateyes. Two well-known United States analysts have estimated<br />
that the number of Dominico-<strong>Haiti</strong>ans, or <strong>Dominican</strong>s of <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />
ancestry (they were not included in the 1991 figure of<br />
245,000), increased by 100,000 between 1970 <strong>and</strong> 1991. The<br />
analysts also estimated that 500,000 <strong>Haiti</strong>ans <strong>and</strong> Dominico-<br />
<strong>Haiti</strong>ans were living in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> in 1995.<br />
During the 1970s <strong>and</strong> 1980s, some <strong>Haiti</strong>ans rose to high<br />
positions in sugar production <strong>and</strong> in other areas of the economy.<br />
Although <strong>Haiti</strong>ans continue to account for the vast majority<br />
of cane cutters, roughly half of all labor recruiters <strong>and</strong> field<br />
inspectors also are <strong>Haiti</strong>ans. <strong>Haiti</strong>ans also work harvesting coffee,<br />
rice, <strong>and</strong> cocoa <strong>and</strong> in construction in Santo Domingo. By<br />
1980 nearly 30 percent of the paid laborers in the coffee harvest<br />
were <strong>Haiti</strong>an; in the border region, the proportion rose to<br />
80 percent. A reasonably skilled coffee picker can nearly double<br />
the earnings of the average cane cutter. Overall, however,<br />
<strong>Haiti</strong>ans' earnings still lag; their wages average less than 60 percent<br />
of those of <strong>Dominican</strong>s.<br />
75