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Origin: A Genetic History of the Americas

by Jennifer Raff

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as systematically biased, most famously by <strong>the</strong> late paleontologist<br />

Steven J. Gould in his 1981 book The Mismeasure <strong>of</strong> Man (W.W.<br />

Norton & Company, 1981). O<strong>the</strong>rs have critiqued Gould’s critique. But<br />

most experts I’ve talked to on <strong>the</strong> subject who have actually worked<br />

with <strong>the</strong> Morton collection believe that his analyses were indeed<br />

significantly biased to inflate <strong>the</strong> average size <strong>of</strong> European crania and<br />

depress <strong>the</strong> calculated average size for all o<strong>the</strong>r races. In “The Fault in<br />

His Seeds: Lost Notes to <strong>the</strong> Case <strong>of</strong> Bias in Samuel George Morton’s<br />

Cranial Race Science” (PLOS Biology 16, no. 10 (2018): e2007008,<br />

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.2007008), Paul Wolff Mitchell<br />

argues that Gould’s accusation <strong>of</strong> bias in Morton’s data was wrong, but<br />

that Gould was correct about Morton’s perspectives, intentions, and use<br />

<strong>of</strong> his data to promote racist ends.<br />

27. Samuel George Morton, Crania Americana, or, A Comparative View <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> Skulls <strong>of</strong> Various Aboriginal Nations <strong>of</strong> North and South America (J.<br />

Dobson, 1839).<br />

28. In this book I focus my very brief survey on <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> physical<br />

anthropology in <strong>the</strong> United States, but <strong>the</strong> reader should understand that<br />

<strong>the</strong>re are strong traditions <strong>of</strong> physical anthropology in o<strong>the</strong>r countries<br />

across <strong>the</strong> world.The terms physical anthropology and biological<br />

anthropology are <strong>of</strong>ten used synonymously. However, <strong>the</strong> term<br />

biological anthropology is increasingly favored by researchers in <strong>the</strong><br />

United States to reflect a break from its more typological past and a<br />

focus on, as Agustín Fuentes notes in a 2021 article, “<strong>the</strong> human<br />

experience in <strong>the</strong> broader ecological, evolutionary, and phylogenetic<br />

context” (see “Biological Anthropology’s Critical Engagement with<br />

Genomic Evolution, Race/Racism, and Ourselves: Opportunities and<br />

Challenges to Making a Difference in <strong>the</strong> Academy and <strong>the</strong> World,”<br />

American Journal <strong>of</strong> Physical Anthropology 175, no. 2 (2021): 326–<br />

338). Throughout this book, I will refer to <strong>the</strong> field as physical<br />

anthropology when discussing its early history, and biological<br />

anthropology for more recent events, reflecting <strong>the</strong> discipline’s<br />

evolution.<br />

29. Blakey, “Intrinsic Social and Political Bias”; Michael L. Blakey,<br />

“Understanding Racism in Physical (Biological) Anthropology,”<br />

American Journal <strong>of</strong> Physical Anthropology,

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