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Origin: A Genetic History of the Americas

by Jennifer Raff

by Jennifer Raff

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EVIDENCE FOR CHILD TOOLMAKERS?<br />

Throughout this book a number <strong>of</strong> genomes are discussed that<br />

were sequenced from <strong>the</strong> remains <strong>of</strong> children. Child mortality<br />

was a tragic but common occurrence throughout <strong>the</strong> past; in <strong>the</strong><br />

absence <strong>of</strong> antibiotics and vaccines, infections were <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

deadly, and children were especially vulnerable during times <strong>of</strong><br />

climatic hardship and limited resources. As a mo<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> a<br />

toddler, I find it excruciatingly difficult to write dispassionately<br />

about this subject.<br />

Although children’s remains are found all too <strong>of</strong>ten in<br />

cemeteries and isolated burials, <strong>the</strong>ir activities in life are<br />

surprisingly hard to detect in <strong>the</strong> early archaeological record <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>Americas</strong>. In more recent archaeological periods in <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Americas</strong>, a number <strong>of</strong> artifacts have been found that have<br />

been interpreted as toys: miniature pots, small projectile points<br />

that may have been used for child-sized bow-and-arrow sets.<br />

But we know almost nothing about <strong>the</strong> day-to-day lives <strong>of</strong><br />

children in <strong>the</strong> late Pleistocene and early Holocene.<br />

Archaeologists who study this period have not historically<br />

prioritized <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> children’s culture. But recently <strong>the</strong>re has<br />

been some research exploring this issue in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> stone<br />

tool production, with some fascinating results.<br />

The skill required to competently make—or knap—stone<br />

tools is not easily acquired I discussed <strong>the</strong> footprints at White<br />

Sands in chapter 2. But <strong>the</strong>re are o<strong>the</strong>r traces <strong>of</strong> children in <strong>the</strong><br />

archaeological record, including lithics. People who become<br />

skilled knappers do so only after many hours <strong>of</strong> observation,<br />

hands-on experience, and feedback from experienced<br />

toolmakers. Therefore, it seems reasonable that children who<br />

intended (or were expected) to become toolmakers must have<br />

begun learning <strong>the</strong> process fairly early.<br />

Operating from this assumption, and from ethnographic<br />

studies <strong>of</strong> both children and college-aged students in<br />

flintknapping classes, what might a signature <strong>of</strong> beginning<br />

flintknappers (whatever <strong>the</strong>ir age) look like in <strong>the</strong> archaeological

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