Emotional inteligence
244/661following dialogue from four-year-olds in a preschool. 12Linda wants to join Barbara, Nancy, and Bill, who areplaying with toy animals and building blocks. Shewatches for a minute, then makes her approach, sittingnext to Barbara and starting to play with the animals.Barbara turns to her and says, "You can't play!""Yes, I can," Linda counters. "I can have some animals,too.""No, you can't," Barbara says bluntly. "We don't likeyou today."When Bill protests on Linda's behalf, Nancy joins theattack: "We hate her today."Because of the danger of being told, either explicitly orimplicitly, "We hate you," all children are understandablycautious on the threshold of approaching a group.That anxiety, of course, is probably not much differentfrom that felt by a grown-up at a cocktail party withstrangers who hangs back from a happily chatting groupwho seem to be intimate friends. Because this momentat the threshold of a group is so momentous for a child,it is also, as one researcher put it, "highly diagnostic. . .quickly revealing differences in social skillfulness." 13Typically, newcomers simply watch for a time, thenjoin in very tentatively at first, being more assertive onlyin very cautious steps. What matters most for whether achild is accepted or not is how well he or she is able to
245/661enter into the group's frame of reference, sensing whatkind of play is in flow, what out of place.The two cardinal sins that almost always lead to rejectionare trying to take the lead too soon and being out ofsynch with the frame of reference. But this is exactlywhat unpopular children tend to do: they push their wayinto a group, trying to change the subject too abruptly ortoo soon, or offering their own opinions, or simply disagreeingwith the others right away—all apparent attemptsto draw attention to themselves. Paradoxically,this results in their being ignored or rejected. By contrast,popular children spend time observing the groupto understand what's going on before entering in, andthen do something that shows they accept it; they waitto have their status in the group confirmed before takinginitiative in suggesting what the group should do.Let's return to Roger, the four-year-old whom ThomasHatch spotted exhibiting a high level of interpersonal intelligence.14 Roger's tactic for entering a group was firstto observe, then to imitate what another child was doing,and finally to talk to the child and fully join theactivity—a winning strategy. Roger's skill was shown, forinstance, when he and Warren were playing at putting"bombs" (actually pebbles) in their socks. Warren asksRoger if he wants to be in a helicopter or an airplane.
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enter into the group's frame of reference, sensing what
kind of play is in flow, what out of place.
The two cardinal sins that almost always lead to rejection
are trying to take the lead too soon and being out of
synch with the frame of reference. But this is exactly
what unpopular children tend to do: they push their way
into a group, trying to change the subject too abruptly or
too soon, or offering their own opinions, or simply disagreeing
with the others right away—all apparent attempts
to draw attention to themselves. Paradoxically,
this results in their being ignored or rejected. By contrast,
popular children spend time observing the group
to understand what's going on before entering in, and
then do something that shows they accept it; they wait
to have their status in the group confirmed before taking
initiative in suggesting what the group should do.
Let's return to Roger, the four-year-old whom Thomas
Hatch spotted exhibiting a high level of interpersonal intelligence.
14 Roger's tactic for entering a group was first
to observe, then to imitate what another child was doing,
and finally to talk to the child and fully join the
activity—a winning strategy. Roger's skill was shown, for
instance, when he and Warren were playing at putting
"bombs" (actually pebbles) in their socks. Warren asks
Roger if he wants to be in a helicopter or an airplane.