Emotional inteligence
198/661she treated each boy. When the boys were just threemonths old, Sarah would often try to catch Fred's gaze,and when he would avert his face, she would try to catchhis eye again; Fred would respond by turning away moreemphatically. Once she would look away, Fred wouldlook back at her, and the cycle of pursuit and aversionwould begin again—often leaving Fred in tears. But withMark, Sarah virtually never tried to impose eye contactas she did with Fred. Instead Mark could break off eyecontact whenever he wanted, and she would not pursue.A small act, but telling. A year later, Fred was noticeablymore fearful and dependent than Mark; one way heshowed his fearfulness was by breaking off eye contactwith other people, as he had done with his mother atthree months, turning his face down and away. Mark, onthe other hand, looked people straight in the eye; whenhe wanted to break off contact, he'd turn his headslightly upward and to the side, with a winning smile.The twins and their mother were observed sominutely when they took part in research by DanielStern, a psychiatrist then at Cornell University School ofMedicine. 7 Stern is fascinated by the small, repeated exchangesthat take place between parent and child; he believesthat the most basic lessons of emotional life arelaid down in these intimate moments. Of all such moments,the most critical are those that let the child know
199/661her emotions are met with empathy, accepted, and reciprocated,in a process Stern calls attunement. Thetwins' mother was attuned with Mark, but out of emotionalsynch with Fred. Stern contends that the countlesslyrepeated moments of attunement or misattunementbetween parent and child shape the emotional expectationsadults bring to their close relationships—perhapsfar more than the more dramatic events ofchildhood.Attunement occurs tacitly, as part of the rhythm of relationship.Stern has studied it with microscopic precisionthrough videotaping hours of mothers with their infants.He finds that through attunement mothers lettheir infants know they have a sense of what the infantis feeling. A baby squeals with delight, for example, andthe mother affirms that delight by giving the baby agentle shake, cooing, or matching the pitch of her voiceto the baby's squeal. Or a baby shakes his rattle, and shegives him a quick shimmy in response. In such an interactionthe affirming message is in the mother more orless matching the baby's level of excitement. Such smallattunements give an infant the reassuring feeling of beingemotionally connected, a message that Stern findsmothers send about once a minute when they interactwith their babies.
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198/661
she treated each boy. When the boys were just three
months old, Sarah would often try to catch Fred's gaze,
and when he would avert his face, she would try to catch
his eye again; Fred would respond by turning away more
emphatically. Once she would look away, Fred would
look back at her, and the cycle of pursuit and aversion
would begin again—often leaving Fred in tears. But with
Mark, Sarah virtually never tried to impose eye contact
as she did with Fred. Instead Mark could break off eye
contact whenever he wanted, and she would not pursue.
A small act, but telling. A year later, Fred was noticeably
more fearful and dependent than Mark; one way he
showed his fearfulness was by breaking off eye contact
with other people, as he had done with his mother at
three months, turning his face down and away. Mark, on
the other hand, looked people straight in the eye; when
he wanted to break off contact, he'd turn his head
slightly upward and to the side, with a winning smile.
The twins and their mother were observed so
minutely when they took part in research by Daniel
Stern, a psychiatrist then at Cornell University School of
Medicine. 7 Stern is fascinated by the small, repeated exchanges
that take place between parent and child; he believes
that the most basic lessons of emotional life are
laid down in these intimate moments. Of all such moments,
the most critical are those that let the child know