Emotional inteligence
158/661When emotions overwhelm concentration, what is beingswamped is the mental capacity cognitive scientistscall "working memory," the ability to hold in mind all informationrelevant to the task at hand. What occupiesworking memory can be as mundane as the digits thatcompose a telephone number or as complicated as theintricate plot lines a novelist is trying to weave together.Working memory is an executive function par excellencein mental life, making possible all other intellectual efforts,from speaking a sentence to tackling a knotty logicalproposition. 2 The prefrontal cortex executes workingmemory—and, remember, is where feelings andemotions meet. 3 When the limbic circuitry that convergeson the prefrontal cortex is in the thrall of emotionaldistress, one cost is in the effectiveness of workingmemory: we can't think straight, as I discovered duringthat dread calculus exam.On the other hand, consider the role of positive motivation—themarshaling of feelings of enthusiasm, zeal,and confidence—in achievement. Studies of Olympicathletes, world-class musicians, and chess grand mastersfind their unifying trait is the ability to motivatethemselves to pursue relentless training routines. 4 And,with a steady rise in the degree of excellence required tobe a world-class performer, these rigorous trainingroutines now increasingly must begin in childhood. At
159/661the 1992 Olympics, twelve-year-old members of theChinese diving team had put in as many total lifetimepractice dives as had members of the American team intheir early twenties—the Chinese divers started their rigoroustraining at age four. Likewise, the best violin virtuososof the twentieth century began studying their instrumentat around age five; international chess championsstarted on the game at an average age of seven,while those who rose only to national prominence startedat ten. Starting earlier offers a lifetime edge: the topviolin students at the best music academy in Berlin, allin their early twenties, had put in ten thousand totalhours' lifetime practice, while the second-tier studentsaveraged around seventy-five hundred hours.What seems to set apart those at the very top of competitivepursuits from others of roughly equal ability isthe degree to which, beginning early in life, they canpursue an arduous practice routine for years and years.And that doggedness depends on emotional traits—enthusiasmand persistence in the face of setbacks—aboveall else.The added payoff for life success from motivation,apart from other innate abilities, can be seen in the remarkableperformance of Asian students in Americanschools and professions. One thorough review of theevidence suggests that Asian-American children may
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- Page 150 and 151: pain of their own. Throwing oneself
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- Page 154 and 155: 154/661not faking their lack of awa
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- Page 176 and 177: 176/661Seligman defines optimism in
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the 1992 Olympics, twelve-year-old members of the
Chinese diving team had put in as many total lifetime
practice dives as had members of the American team in
their early twenties—the Chinese divers started their rigorous
training at age four. Likewise, the best violin virtuosos
of the twentieth century began studying their instrument
at around age five; international chess champions
started on the game at an average age of seven,
while those who rose only to national prominence started
at ten. Starting earlier offers a lifetime edge: the top
violin students at the best music academy in Berlin, all
in their early twenties, had put in ten thousand total
hours' lifetime practice, while the second-tier students
averaged around seventy-five hundred hours.
What seems to set apart those at the very top of competitive
pursuits from others of roughly equal ability is
the degree to which, beginning early in life, they can
pursue an arduous practice routine for years and years.
And that doggedness depends on emotional traits—enthusiasm
and persistence in the face of setbacks—above
all else.
The added payoff for life success from motivation,
apart from other innate abilities, can be seen in the remarkable
performance of Asian students in American
schools and professions. One thorough review of the
evidence suggests that Asian-American children may