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Mind, Body, World- Foundations of Cognitive Science, 2013a

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the box and could see the goal, then box-pushing behaviour was initiated. If it was<br />

in contact with the box but could not see the goal, then other movements were triggered,<br />

resulting in the robot finding contact with the box at a different position.<br />

This subsumption architecture caused robots to seek the box, push it towards<br />

the goal, and do so co-operatively by avoiding other robots. Furthermore, when<br />

robot activities altered the environment, this produced corresponding changes in<br />

behaviour <strong>of</strong> other robots. For instance, a robot pushing the box might lose sight<br />

<strong>of</strong> the goal because <strong>of</strong> box movement, and it would therefore leave the box and use<br />

its other exploratory behaviours to come back to the box and push it from a different<br />

location. “Cooperation in some tasks is possible without direct communication”<br />

(Kube & Bonabeau, 2000, p. 100). Importantly, the solution to the box-pushing<br />

problem required such co-operation, because the box being manipulated was too<br />

heavy to be moved by a small number <strong>of</strong> robots!<br />

The box-pushing research <strong>of</strong> Kube and Bonabeau (2000) is an example <strong>of</strong><br />

stigmergic processing that occurs when two or more individuals collaborate on a<br />

task using a shared environment. Hutchins (1995) brought attention to less obvious<br />

examples <strong>of</strong> public cognition that exploit specialized environmental tools. Such<br />

scaffolding devices cannot be dissociated from culture or history. For example,<br />

Hutchins noted that navigation depends upon centuries-old mathematics <strong>of</strong> chart<br />

projections, not to mention millennia-old number systems.<br />

These observations caused Hutchins (1995) to propose an extension <strong>of</strong> Simon’s<br />

(1969) parable <strong>of</strong> the ant. Hutchins argued that rather than watching an individual<br />

ant on the beach, we should arrive at a beach after a storm and watch generations <strong>of</strong><br />

ants at work. As the ant colony matures, the ants will appear smarter, because their<br />

behaviours are more efficient. But this is because,<br />

the environment is not the same. Generations <strong>of</strong> ants have left their marks<br />

on the beach, and now a dumb ant has been made to appear smart through<br />

its simple interaction with the residua <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> its ancestor’s actions.<br />

(Hutchins, 1995, p. 169)<br />

Hutchins’ (1995) suggestion mirrored concerns raised by Scribner’s studies <strong>of</strong> mind<br />

in action. She observed that the diversity <strong>of</strong> problem solutions generated by dairy<br />

workers, for example, was due in part to social scaffolding.<br />

We need a greater understanding <strong>of</strong> the ways in which the institutional setting,<br />

norms and values <strong>of</strong> the work group and, more broadly, cultural understandings<br />

<strong>of</strong> labor contribute to the reorganization <strong>of</strong> work tasks in a given community.<br />

(Scribner & Tobach, 1997, p. 373)<br />

Furthermore, Scribner pointed out that the traditional methods used by classical<br />

researchers to study cognition were not suited for increasing this kind <strong>of</strong><br />

234 Chapter 5

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