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Torts - Cases, Principles, and Institutions Fifth Edition, 2016a

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Witt & Tani, TCPI 10. Damages<br />

Notes<br />

1. Gender <strong>and</strong> tort damages. Legal scholar Martha Chamallas offers a pointed critique of<br />

the logic of Feldman:<br />

Gender <strong>and</strong> race have disappeared from the face of tort law. . . . But as in so many<br />

other areas of the law, formal equality on the face of the law of torts bears little<br />

connection to gender <strong>and</strong> race equity as measured by real-world st<strong>and</strong>ards. Most<br />

empirical studies indicate that women of all races <strong>and</strong> minority men continue to<br />

receive significantly lower damage awards than white men in personal injury <strong>and</strong><br />

wrongful death suits.<br />

Martha Chamallas, The Architecture of Bias: Deep Structures in Tort Law, 146 U. PA. L. REV. 463<br />

(1998). Chamallas’s calculations from a 1996 practitioners’ guide to settlement <strong>and</strong> damages<br />

awards found that damages awards for male plaintiffs “were twenty-seven percent higher” than<br />

those for female plaintiffs. Similar studies in the 1980s by the Washington State Task Force on<br />

Gender <strong>and</strong> Justice in the Courts concluded that the average award in death cases involving a male<br />

decedent was $332,166, as compared to $214,923 in death cases with a female decedent. A<br />

Washington Post study estimated that damages for the future lost income of an average white 25-<br />

year-old man would exceed those of the average 25-year-old black woman by more than $1<br />

million. Kim Soffen, In One Corner of the Law, Minorities <strong>and</strong> Women Are Often Valued Less,<br />

WASH. POST, Oct. 25, 2016.<br />

Chamallas also found that courts regularly rely on life expectancy tables that calculate socalled<br />

“work-life expectancy” (i.e., expected work years remaining) on the basis of gender, <strong>and</strong><br />

sometimes also race. “[L]oss of future earning capacity,” Chamallas writes, “is typically<br />

measured by estimating the number of years the plaintiff would have worked had she not been<br />

injured (work-life expectancy) <strong>and</strong> the amount the plaintiff would have earned each year, reduced<br />

to present value.” Id. White men typically have longer work-life expectancies than similarly<br />

aged non-white men <strong>and</strong> also than similarly aged white <strong>and</strong> non-white women, in part because<br />

people in these latter categories are more likely to suffer from periods of unemployment.<br />

2. Making Black Lives Matter in tort law. Despite the general rule of applying race- <strong>and</strong><br />

gender-based actuarial tables, some judges have rejected their use as unconstitutional. In<br />

McMillan v. City of New York, Judge Jack Weinstein refused to admit evidence of statistical data<br />

suggesting that an African American person was likely to have a shorter life expectancy than a<br />

similarly situated person of a different race. 253 F.R.D. 247 (E.D.N.Y. 2008); see also G.M.M. ex<br />

rel Hern<strong>and</strong>ez-Adams v. Kimpson, 116 F. Supp. 3d 126 (E.D.N.Y. 2015) (Weinstein, J.) (holding<br />

that reliance on a child’s Latinx ethnicity in calculating damages award violated the 14th<br />

Amendment’s due process clause <strong>and</strong> its guarantee of equal protection of the laws). In McMillan,<br />

Judge Weinstein also cast doubt on the reliability of what he called “race-based statistics,”<br />

arguing that race has little actuarial value. Id. at 250.<br />

Would a better view be that reproducing marketplace race discrimination in the courts<br />

through lower tort awards for lost income is wrong, even if it is predictive? If reliability is the<br />

619

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