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Torts - Cases, Principles, and Institutions Fifth Edition, 2016a

Torts - Cases, Principles, and Institutions Fifth Edition, 2016a

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Witt & Tani, TCPI 4. Negligence St<strong>and</strong>ard<br />

In response, Professor Jennifer Arlen argues that wealth must matter if we care about<br />

achieving optimal deterrence. Using an economic analysis assuming that individuals are riskaverse<br />

instead of risk-neutral, she finds that a defendant’s wealth should be taken into account in a<br />

negligence case, effectively calling for wealthy people to adhere to a higher st<strong>and</strong>ard of care than<br />

poor people:<br />

Consider a very wealthy potential defendant contemplating an additional $100<br />

expenditure on care. The $100 expenditure on care will not affect the wealthy<br />

individual’s ability to purchase necessities <strong>and</strong> may little affect his ability to<br />

purchase other goods. The expenditure will accordingly not adversely affect his<br />

total utility. A very poor defendant, however, will probably have to pay for a $100<br />

expenditure on care with money set aside for necessities such as food <strong>and</strong> shelter.<br />

Thus, the $100 expenditure on care will have a substantial adverse effect on the poor<br />

individual’s utility. The cost to society of this $100 expenditure on care is<br />

minimized by allocating most of it to the wealthier individual since the wealthier<br />

individual bears this expenditure at a lower cost to himself. . . . [T]he optimal duecare<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ard must vary with the wealth of the defendant: wealthy defendants should<br />

be required to take more care than less wealthy defendants. . . . Accordingly, if<br />

individuals are risk averse, current law, by which wealth differences are excluded<br />

from the assessment of due care, will not induce optimal deterrence.<br />

Jennifer H. Arlen, Should Defendants’ Wealth Matter?, 21 J. LEGAL STUD. 413, 422-23 (1992).<br />

Does it matter that poor actors are almost never worth suing in tort because they are effectively<br />

judgment proof? Does it matter that liability insurance is widely available to working- <strong>and</strong><br />

middle-class people, <strong>and</strong> required for the most common dangerous activity people engage in<br />

(namely driving)?<br />

Would a negligence st<strong>and</strong>ard that takes wealth into account function mainly to redistribute<br />

wealth? Or are there non-redistributive reasons to take wealth into account?<br />

Does Arlen’s argument resonate with a corrective justice underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the tort system<br />

or only a deterrence framework? What about a framework that focuses on expressing community<br />

norms <strong>and</strong> values? How would her theory work in a case with a poor plaintiff <strong>and</strong> a poor<br />

defendant—or a rich plaintiff <strong>and</strong> a rich defendant? Whose argument—Arlen’s or Abraham <strong>and</strong><br />

Jeffries’s —do you find more persuasive?<br />

2. Seavey’s Paradox<br />

Almost a century ago, torts jurist Warren Seavey observed a paradox in the way tort law<br />

h<strong>and</strong>les intentional torts in comparison to negligent torts:<br />

[I]f, to save his life, A intentionally destroys ten cents worth of B’s property, A must<br />

pay; if, however, he takes a ten per cent chance of killing B in an effort to save his<br />

own life, his conduct might not be found to be wrongful, although obviously B<br />

would much prefer, antecedently, to lose ten cents worth of property than to submit<br />

to a ten per cent chance of being killed.<br />

251

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